Notes on the Importance of Congregational Prayer

All praise belongs to the Lord of the Heavens and the Earth, who has chosen Islam as our religion. Islam addresses the needs of all people—all the physical and spiritual, individual and social, inner and outer aspects of our faith.

Faith is not about proclaiming the basic tenets of Islam by words alone. It requires heartfelt belief, powerful enough to manifest in righteous actions. The Qurʾan in many verses clarifies this strong relationship, and mentions faith and righteous deeds together:

وَعَدَ اللَّـهُ الَّذِينَ آمَنُوا وَعَمِلُوا الصَّالِحَاتِ لَهُم مَّغْفِرَ‌ةٌ وَأَجْرٌ‌ عَظِيمٌ

Allah has promised those who have faith and do righteous deeds forgiveness and a great reward. [1]

وَالَّذِينَ آمَنُوا وَعَمِلُوا الصَّالِحَاتِ وَآمَنُوا بِمَا نُزِّلَ عَلَىٰ مُحَمَّدٍ وَهُوَ الْحَقُّ مِن رَّ‌بِّهِمْ كَفَّرَ‌ عَنْهُمْ سَيِّئَاتِهِمْ وَأَصْلَحَ بَالَهُمْ

But those who have faith and do righteous deeds and believe in what has been sent down to Muhammad—and it is the truth from their Lord—He shall absolve them of their misdeeds and set right their affairs. [2]

وَالْعَصْرِ‌. إِنَّ الْإِنسَانَ لَفِي خُسْرٍ‌. إِلَّا الَّذِينَ آمَنُوا وَعَمِلُوا الصَّالِحَاتِ وَتَوَاصَوْا بِالْحَقِّ وَتَوَاصَوْا بِالصَّبْرِ

By Time!  Man is indeed in loss, except those who have faith and do righteous deeds, and enjoin one another to [follow] the truth, and enjoin one another to patience. [3]

Prayers—Before Prophet Muhammad’s (ṣ) Time

Performing the daily prayers is the most important obligation for all Muslims, whether rich or poor, men or women, healthy or ill. Previous religious communities were also required to pray, though the manner of praying may have differed. This is made clear in the Qurʾan:

Prophet Ibrāhīm prays to his Lord:

رَ‌بِّ اجْعَلْنِي مُقِيمَ الصَّلَاةِ وَمِن ذُرِّ‌يَّتِي رَ‌بَّنَا وَتَقَبَّلْ دُعَاءِ

My Lord! Make me a maintainer of prayer, and among my descendants [as well]. Our Lord, accept my supplication. [4]

وَاذْكُرْ‌ فِي الْكِتَابِ إِسْمَاعِيلَ إِنَّهُ كَانَ صَادِقَ الْوَعْدِ وَكَانَ رَ‌سُولًا نَّبِيًّا. وَكَانَ يَأْمُرُ‌ أَهْلَهُ بِالصَّلَاةِ وَالزَّكَاةِ وَكَانَ عِندَ رَ‌بِّهِ مَرْ‌ضِيًّا

And mention in the Book, Ismāʿīl (Ishmael—ʿa). Indeed, he was true to his promise, and an apostle and prophet.  He used to bid his family to [maintain] the prayer and to [pay] the zakat, and was pleasing to his Lord. [5]

In Allah’s conversation with Mūsā (Moses—ʿa):

إِنَّنِي أَنَا اللَّـهُ لَا إِلَـٰهَ إِلَّا أَنَا فَاعْبُدْنِي وَأَقِمِ الصَّلَاةَ لِذِكْرِ‌ي

Indeed I am Allah—there is no god except Me. So worship Me, and maintain the prayer for My remembrance. [6]

When Prophet ʿĪsā (Jesus—ʿa) spoke to the people:

قَالَ إِنِّي عَبْدُ اللَّـهِ آتَانِيَ الْكِتَابَ وَجَعَلَنِي نَبِيًّا. وَجَعَلَنِي مُبَارَ‌كًا أَيْنَ مَا كُنتُ وَأَوْصَانِي بِالصَّلَاةِ وَالزَّكَاةِ مَا دُمْتُ حَيًّا

He said, “Indeed I am a servant of Allah! He has given me the Book and made me a prophet. He has made me blessed, wherever I may be, and He has enjoined me to [maintain] the prayer and to [pay] the zakat as long as I live.” [7]

The Importance of Prayer

The Qurʾan emphasizes prayer’s importance in many verses, repeating the word ṣalāh (prayer) 79 times. Many aḥādīth also emphasize its significance; we will suffice here with two:

The Prophet (ṣ) said:

أَوَّلُ مَا افْتَرَضَ اللٌّهُ عَلى أُمَّتِي الصَّلَوَاتُ الْخَمْسُ وَ أَوَّلُ مَا يُرفَعُ مِنْ أَعْمَالِهِمْ الصَّلَوَاتُ الْخَمْسُ وَ أَوَّلُ مَا يُسْأَلُونَ عَـنْهُ الصَّلَوَاتُ الْخَمْسُ

The five prayers are the first mandate of God upon my ummah; the five prayers will ascend first from their acts of worship; and the five prayers will be the first thing they will be asked about. [8]

Imam Muḥammad al-Bāqir (ʿa) said:

أَلصَّلاَةُ عَمُودُ الدِّينِ مَثَلُهَا كَمَثَلِ عَمُودِ الْفُسْطَاطِ إِذَا ثَبَتَ الْعَمُودُ ثَبَتَ الأَوْتَادُ وَ الأَطْنَابُ وَ إِذَا مَالَ الْعَمُودُ وَ انْكَسَرَ لَمْ يَثْبُتْ وَتِدٌ وَ لاَ طُنُبٌ

The prayer is the pillar of religion and its parable is that of the tent’s poles—when the pole remains sturdy, the pegs and ropes are also sturdy, but when the poles bend and break neither peg nor rope holds. [9]

Congregational Prayers—In Qurʾan and Aḥādīth

It is highly recommended to pray the daily obligatory prayers in congregation. Praying in congregation is mentioned in the Qurʾan and its benefits are highlighted in numerous aḥādīth:

Shaykh Abū ʿAlī al-Faḍl al-Ṭabarsī mentions in his Qurʾanic exegesis, Majmaʿ al-Bayān, that the latter part of the following verse is referring to performing the prayers in congregation.

وَأَقِيمُوا الصَّلَاةَ وَآتُوا الزَّكَاةَ وَارْ‌كَعُوا مَعَ الرَّ‌اكِعِينَ

And maintain the prayer, and give the zakat, and bow along with those who bow [in prayer]. [10]

Imam Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq (ʿa) said:

مَنْ صَلّى الغداةَ و العِشاءَ الآخرةَ في جماعةٍ فَهُوَ فِي ذِمَّةِ اللهِ عزّ وجلَّ وَ مَنْ ظَلَمَهُ فَأَنَّما يَظْلِمُ اللهَ وَمَنْ حَقَّرَهُ فانّما يُحَقِّرُ اللهَ عزّ وجلّ

The one who prays the morning prayer [fajr] and last prayer of the evening [ʿishāʾ] in congregation is in the protection of Allah; whoever wrongs him has wronged none other than God Himself—the Lofty and Sublime—and whoever belittles him has belittled none other than God Himself—the Lofty and Sublime.[11]

Imam Muḥammad al-Bāqir (ʿa) said:

لا صلاةَ لِمَنْ لا يَشْهَدُ الصلاةَ مِنْ جِيرَانِ المسجدِ إِلَّا مريض أَوْ مَشغول

Invalid are the prayers of he who neighbors the mosque and yet does not pray there, unless he is sick or occupied. [12]

All the jurists of both our time and the past have emphasized that praying in congregation is highly recommended, especially with respect to fajr and ʿishāʾ prayers.

Congregational Prayers—In the Prophet’s Time

Prayer was legislated before the migration to Medina, and the Prophet used to pray in congregation whenever it was possible. It is also reported that Imam ʿAlī and Lady Khadījah used to pray behind the prophet in Masjid al-Ḥarām.

When the Prophet and his companions migrated to Medina, they were able to practice their religion freely, and this enabled the Prophet and his companions to build mosques in and around the city. One would expect that there would be only one mosque in Medina where all Muslims could gather to offer prayers behind the Prophet, but in fact there were quite a few. Among the well-known are:

  • al-Masjid al-Nabawī, built by the Prophet in the heart of the city.
  • Masjid Qubāʾ, the first mosque built on the outskirts of Medina during the Prophet’s migration.
  • Masjid al-Qiblatayn, in which the qiblah changed from Bayt al-Maqdis in Jerusalem towards the Kaʿbah in Mecca while the Prophet was praying.

The Qurʾan also mentions a mosque which was built with ulterior motives, a mosque the Prophet was ordered not to pray in:

وَالَّذِينَ اتَّخَذُوا مَسْجِدًا ضِرَ‌ارً‌ا وَكُفْرً‌ا وَتَفْرِ‌يقًا بَيْنَ الْمُؤْمِنِينَ وَإِرْ‌صَادًا لِّمَنْ حَارَ‌بَ اللَّـهَ وَرَ‌سُولَهُ مِن قَبْلُ وَلَيَحْلِفُنَّ إِنْ أَرَ‌دْنَا إِلَّا الْحُسْنَىٰ وَاللَّـهُ يَشْهَدُ إِنَّهُمْ لَكَاذِبُونَ. لَا تَقُمْ فِيهِ أَبَدًا لَّمَسْجِدٌ أُسِّسَ عَلَى التَّقْوَىٰ مِنْ أَوَّلِ يَوْمٍ أَحَقُّ أَن تَقُومَ فِيهِ فِيهِ رِ‌جَالٌ يُحِبُّونَ أَن يَتَطَهَّرُ‌وا وَاللَّـهُ يُحِبُّ الْمُطَّهِّرِ‌ينَ

As for those who took to a mosque for sabotage and for defiance, and to cause division among the faithful, and for the purpose of ambush [used] by those who have fought Allah and His Apostle before—they will surely swear, “We desired nothing but good,” and Allah bears witness that they are indeed liars. Do not stand in it ever! A mosque founded on piety from the [very] first day is worthier that you stand in it [for prayer]. Therein are men who love to keep pure, and Allah loves those who keep pure. [13]

The presence of multiple mosques in the city of Medina suggests that performing the prayers in congregation was an important part of the daily routines of the Muslims of Medina.

Congregational Prayers—Socio-Political Benefits

Along with spiritual rewards and benefits, there are many socio-political benefits of congregational prayer. Allah and his beloved Prophet (ṣ) have set a high goal for the Muslim society, which is mentioned in both the Qurʾan and the aḥādīth:

إِنَّمَا الْمُؤْمِنُونَ إِخْوَةٌ

The faithful are indeed brothers…[14]

Imam al-Ṣādiq (ʿa) is reported to have said:

المؤمنون في تبارهم وتراحمهم وتعاطفهم كمثل الجسد، إذا اشتكى تداعى له سائره بالسهر والحمى

“Believers are like a single body in their mutual goodness, compassion, and affection; when it suffers [from pain], the rest of the body (also) reacts with a fever and sleeplessness.”[15]

We care for our biological brothers and sisters and respond to them in their times of need. Allah and His Prophet expect us to care for the rest of the believers in the same way. Congregational prayers can help in achieving this goal, as we get a chance to meet and interact with other believers, and share our joys and concerns with each other.

We should make every effort to gather at the nearest mosque or Islamic center to offer daily prayers in congregation. Praying at a mosque has higher rewards, but if one cannot do that due to distance or because of other reasons, congregational prayers can be done at home with one’s family members to reap the benefits of the congregational prayer. All that is required to establish congregational prayer is that the prayer leader be a Shiʿi who is sane, upright in character, of legitimate birth, and able to correctly articulate at least Surat al-Ḥamd and the second surah. If there is a male in the congregation then the prayer leader must be male; but if the congregation is made entirely of women, then a woman can lead the prayer. The congregation must have at least one follower of discerning age or older.

We make efforts to gather our family at the dinner table; similar efforts to gather family for congregational prayer can help remind everyone in the family about the purpose of life and help in developing the family’s spirituality. The Prophet, Lady Khadījah, and Imam ʿAlī praying together in the early days of Islam is a good example for us to follow.

If one has an option to offer prayers alone or in congregation, at home or at a mosque, then praying at the mosque has much higher reward. The following excerpt from the book al-Rawḍah al-Bahiyyah fī-Sharḥ al-Lumʿah al-Dimashqiyyah, one of the most celebrated and well-known textbooks of Islamic law in the Shiʿi world, illustrates this point:

“It is recommended to offer obligatory prayers in congregation; performing the daily prayers in congregation has been especially emphasized. The reward of one prayer done in congregation is equivalent to 5, 7, or 20 prayers when the prayer leader is not a religious scholar; behind a religious scholar, it is equivalent to one thousand prayers. If done in a mosque, reward increases considerably: praying behind a non-religious scholar is equivalent to twenty seven hundred prayers and praying behind a religious scholar is equivalent to one hundred thousand prayers. This reward multiplies with each person joining in congregation up to the tenth; if participation in congregation goes beyond that, nobody can count the reward except for Allah.”

I pray to Allah, that He guides us all to His path, and gives us the opportunity to perform this highly virtuous deed of congregational prayers on a daily basis.


 

[1] Al-Māʾidah: 9. Translations of Qurʾanic verses are from ʿAlī Qulī Qarāʾī’s Qurʾanic translation; translations of aḥādīth are by the author.

[2] Muḥammad: 2.

[3] Al-ʿAṣr: 1-2.

[4] Ibrahīm: 40.

[5] Maryam: 40.

[6] Ṭāhā: 14

[7] Maryam: 30-1

[8] Al-Hindī, ʿAllāmah ʿAlī al-Muttaqī ibn Jāsim al-Dīn, Kanz al-ʿUmmāl, vol. 7, 18859‌, (Beirut: Muʾassasah al-Risālah, 1985), 276.

[9] Muḥammad ibn al-Ḥasan al-Ḥurr al-ʿĀmilī, Wasāʾil al-Shīʿah, vol. 4, 4464 (Beirut: Muʾassasah Āl al-Bayt—ʿalayhim al-salām—li-Ihyāʾ al-Turāth, 1993), 27.

[10] Al-Baqarah: 43

[11] Muḥammad ibn ʿAlī al-Bābawayh al-Ṣadūq, “al-Jamāʿah wa-Faḍlih” in Man lā-Yaḥḍuruh al-Faqīh, vol. 1, 1099 (Beirut: Dār al-Turāth li-l-Matbūʿāt, 1994), 308.

[12] al-Ḥurr al-ʿĀmilī, Wasāʾil al-Shīʿah, vol. 8, 10696, 291.

[13] Al-Tawbah: 107-8

[14] Al-Ḥujurāt: 10

[15] al-Ḥurr al-ʿĀmilī, Wasāʾil al-Shīʿah, vol. 12, 14507, 424.

The Start of the Month of Ramaḍān: Legal Opinions and Community Cohesion

For many Muslims, the determination of the Islamic calendar can be a source of confusion—and often, such as when there are multiple dates for the beginning of Ramaḍān or for the two ʿĪds, it can be a cause of considerable frustration as well.

The article below was originally written some years ago to shed light on the operation of the Islamic calendar and answer common questions that arise when various individuals and organizations reach different conclusions about the start of the month. We are publishing it in an updated version in this issue of al-Sidrah before the start of the blessed month of Ramaḍān.

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Questions about the calendar and the importance of sighting the crescent moon are not exclusive to the modern era. As the Qurʾān tells us, such questions existed in the time of the Prophet (s) himself.

We read in Sūrat al-Baqarah of the Qurʾān:

They ask you about the crescents. Say: They are times appointed for the people and for the hajj… (al-Qurʾān, 2:189)

This verse sets the new crescent as the standard for the beginning of the Islamic month. In this way, Islam introduced a purely lunar calendar that was distinct from the different calendars in use at the time in Arabia and elsewhere. Along with verses 36 and 37 of Sūrat al-Tawbah, which prohibit any form of modification or tampering with the calendar, this verse introduced a uniquely observational calendar that was directly accessible to the people without making them dependent on calculations, astrologers, or any central coercive authority.

By establishing such a standard, Islam empowered the people: unlike other religions and civilizations, no emperor, priest, or king could impose his authority upon them by controlling or abusing the religious calendar. At the same time, a corresponding responsibility was placed on the people’s shoulders: to determine each new month, they would have to learn to communicate with each other effectively and negotiate differences of opinion and understanding that naturally arise in any area of human endeavor.

For the Islamic calendar to fulfill its proper and intended function in society and in order to avoid doubt, confusion, and disunity, Muslims need to have some familiarity with the legal criteria for determining the beginning of the month.  The first question which generally arises is, “Why can’t Muslims achieve unity on such an important issue in the first place?”

The Role of Ijtihād

To answer that question, it is important to understand the nature and importance of the process of ijtihād—the process of deriving religious laws from the Qurʾān and Sunnah—within Islam, especially in the school of Ahl al-Bayt (a). When there are different fatāwā (pl. of fatwā) or religious rulings about an issue, it is common for people to ask questions along the lines of, “Why don’t the scholars just get together, solve the issue, and give a single answer?”

This question reflects the natural tension that exists between free scholarly debate and uniformity of action.  In any field of human endeavor, there is a tradeoff that arises in allowing academic disagreement: it permits scholarship to progress and develop, but it also leads to less conformity and agreement in practice. Two doctors may reach different conclusions about the best way to treat an illness; economists may offer different models and suggestions to prevent a recession; and jurists may differ in their interpretation of secular or religious law. On the other hand, imposing a specific solution or answer to a problem prevents confusion and disunity in practice, but it stifles the advancement of knowledge.

Within the Sunni world, the introduction of the four well-known schools of fiqhḤanafī, Mālikī, Shāfiʿī, and Ḥanbalī—was just such an attempt to impose conformity on people’s religious practice by the Abbasid government of the time, who feared the proliferation of ever-increasing schools of fiqh among Muslims. By limiting the acceptable legal schools to four, they hoped to keep differences of opinion and practice within a manageable level.

However, within the school of Ahl al-Bayt (a) the practice of ijtihād has remained a continuous and unencumbered process from the time of the Imāms until the present day. The minor differences in religious rulings that do sometimes result are far outweighed by the benefits of the dynamic process of religious scholarship.

The Role of Taqlīd in Religious Practice

It is a misconception that taqlīd means following a faqīh (Islamic jurist) in all matters pertaining to religious practice.  In reality, there is a difference between the legal ruling and its application. Taqlīd means abiding by the religious verdicts and rulings of a faqīh; these rulings are commonly known as fatwā (pl. fatāwā) in Arabic. However, the application of those rulings in daily life depends on determining that the conditions to which a particular ruling applies actually exist, and that is neither the role of a faqīh, nor necessarily his area of expertise.

For example, the faqīh will give us the ruling that wine is najis and ḥarām to ingest, and he will explain the standard by which to determine what constitutes wine. That standard—his religious ruling—is binding on those who follow him. But if we take a particular liquid to him and ask, “Is this wine?” the answer is not binding. Even if he says with certainty that it is wine, if we know he is wrong or even if we are uncertain, we are no more bound by his pronouncement than that of someone else. Instead, we have to refer to our own certainty or to experts who can make that determination. The faqīh himself may or may not be such an expert with regard to a particular subject.

The moon sighting is one such issue where some people assume they should simply follow their faqīh in his declaration, but like the example given above, that is not what taqlīd entails. One refers to the faqīh to determine what standard to apply in starting the new Islamic month, but actually applying the standard is not subject to taqīid.

Declaration of the First of the Month by a Faqīh

Although the start of the Islamic month is not subject to taqlīd, there are some jurists who say that a faqīh can make a ruling declaring the beginning of the month. This is known as a ḥukm and not a fatwā, because it too has nothing to do with taqlīd. For the followers of jurists who consider such a declaration valid, it is binding if it is made by any faqīh—not only the faqīh whom that person follows in taqlīd.

To illustrate this point, let us look at the rulings of some of our present-day jurists. Sayyid Sistani holds that the faqīh does not have the prerogative of declaring the start of a new month, and such a declaration is not binding on others, though it is recommended to observe precaution (for example, by fasting without the intention of Ramaḍān):

The 1st day of any month will not be proved by the verdict of a Mujtahid and it is better to observe precaution.[1]

In contrast, both Sayyid Khamenei and Shaykh Makarim Shirazi consider the ruling of a jurist to be authoritative. In his answers to legal queries, Sayyid Khamenei states:

… and similarly if a religious jurist rules about the crescent, his judgment will be a religious hujjah (authority) for all believers, and it is obligatory on them to obey it.[2]

It should be noted that this only applies if the religious authority actually issues a ruling regarding the beginning of the month. If however, he is personally convinced about the moon sighting without issuing a ruling to that effect, that does not mean others are required to follow the same dates as he is following:

Until a religious authority issues a decree announcing the sighting of the new crescent, the mere ascertaining of it by him is not sufficient for others to follow him, unless they are convinced thereby of the end of Ramaḍān.[3]

and

In addition, even the ruling of a religious authority will not be binding on those who, through whatever means, know that ruling to have been made in error.[4]

Thus, for followers of Sayyid Sistani, they cannot follow the statement of either their own faqīh or any other jurist unless they are personally satisfied that it is correct (or, of course, if the crescent has been established by other means.)

Followers of Sayyid Khamenei or Shaykh Makarim, however, would have to follow the declaration of a religious authority, even if that declaration was not made by the jurist they follow in taqlīd. So a ruling by Sayyid Khamenei would be binding on followers of Shaykh Makarim as well.

Criterion for the Start of the Month

There is a near consensus among Shīʿī jurists that the criterion for the start of the Islamic month is for the new crescent to be visible in the sky; most jurists specify that it must be visible to the unaided eye (and not through a telescope or other instrument). The visible crescent is not the same as the new moon, which is actually invisible from earth. The crescent usually becomes visible one or two days after the new moon. Unlike the new moon, the visibility of the crescent cannot be calculated or predicted with absolute certainty.

Using Astronomy to Determine the Start of the Month

There is also consensus among jurists that using astronomy or calculations to determine the new month is not allowed, unless one derives certainty through those means. In that case, it is permitted.[5]

There is a common misconception that astronomy gives definitive answers and should be able to resolve any disputes about the beginning of the Islamic month. In reality, the visibility of the crescent is different from calculations of sunrise, sunset, the new moon, and so forth—all of which can be calculated with precision.

The visibility of the new crescent depends on many different factors, including the age of the moon, its angular separation from the sun (which affects how much of the moon’s surface is illuminated), and when the moon sets. Experts have created models based on these and other factors that in some instances can rule out the moon’s visibility and in other instances can say with certainty that the moon will be visible, but this is not true in all cases.

Thus, even though it cannot be relied on in entirety, there is a clear role for astronomy in moon sighting, especially in ruling out reports or claims of seeing the crescent where such a sighting was not actually possible.[6]

Eyewitness Testimony of the Moon sighting

There are several ways to establish the new crescent. Whether a jurist’s declaration is binding or not was discussed above. The other ways are:

  1. for a person to see the crescent personally,
  2.  for its sighting to have been established with certainty (for example if a large number of men and women saw the moon),
  3. for thirty days to have passed from the start of the previous month,
  4. or for two ʿādil witnesses to testify that they have seen the crescent.

With regard to the testimony of two ʿādil witnesses, there are two opinions among Shīʿī jurists. One holds that their testimony is valid as long as:

  1. they do not contradict one another[7]
  2. they are not contradicted by at least two other ʿādil witnesses who say the crescent moon was not visible[8]
  3. a person does not have personal certainty that they are in error.[9]
  4. Sayyid Khamenei and Shaykh Makarim Shirazi hold this view.[10]

Sayyid Sistani, however, expresses the conditions for the testimony of witnesses to be admissible differently:

If two just (Adil) persons say that they have sighted the moon at night. The first day of the month will not be established if they differ about the details of the new moon. This difference can be either explicit or even implied.

For example, when a group of people goes out in search of a new moon and none but two Adils claim to have seen the new moon, though, among those who did not see, there were other Adils equally capable and knowledgeable [in terms of locating the crescent], then the testimony by the first two Adils will not prove the advent of a new month.[11]

Thus, in the view of Sayyid Sistani, the sighting of the moon should be something that is clearly and unambiguously established. If the crescent is visible in the sky and many people go out to look for it, it does not make sense for many or most of them not to see it. In several questions that were asked of him, Sayyid Sistani has specified that this standard applies even if the reported sightings of the crescent were more than two in number:

لو كان هناك اكثر من شاهدین عادلین بالرؤیة (اربعة او ستة او ثمانیة شهود بالرؤیة) فهل هذا یعني وقوعهم بالخطأ والاشتباه علیه تترك شهادتهم؟

الجواب: یمكن الخطأ في العشرة ایضا.

This was part of a question regarding a case in which more than two ʿādil witnesses report seeing the moon even though it is not astronomically possible:

What if there are more than two ʿādil witnesses to the sighting (four, six, or eight witnesses to the sighting)?  Does this mean that they are in error and their testimony will be rejected?

Answer: Even ten people can be in error [let alone a smaller number].

Another question and answer deal specifically with the issue of a crescent that was seen by some people but not others:

في بعض الشهور يعلن عن ثبوت الهلال عند بعض العلماء في بعض بلاد الشرق استناداً الى أقوال بعض من شهدوا برؤيته فيها، ولكن يقترن ذلك ببعض الأمور:
أـ كون الشهود وعددهم 30 مثلا ـ موزعين على عدة بلدان، مثلا (2) في أصفهان، (3) في قم، (2) في يزد، (4) في الكويت، (5) في البحرين، (2) في الأحساء، (6) في سوريا، وهكذا.
ب ـ صفاء الافق في عدد من البلاد الغربية واستهلال المؤمنين فيها مع عدم وجود مانع لرؤية.
ج ـ اعلان المرصد الفلكي البريطاني انه يستحيل رؤية الهلال في تلك الليلة في بريطانيا ما لم يستخدم المنظار)التلسكوب( وأن رؤيته بالعين المجردة إنما يتيسر في الليلة اللاحقة.
فما هو الحكم في هذه الحالة؟ افتونا مأجورين.
الجواب: إنّ العبرة باطمئنان المكلف نفسه بتحقق الرؤية أو بقيام البينة عليها من دون معارض، وفي الحالة المذكورة ونظائرها لا يحصل عادة الاطمئان بظهور الهلال على الأفق بنحو قابل للرؤية بالعين المجردة، بل ربما يحصل الإطمئنان بعدمه وكون الشهادات الصادرة مبنية على الوهم والخطأ في الحس، والله العالم.

During certain months, it is declared that the sighting has been proven according to some religious scholars in some eastern countries. This is based on the testimony of those who have sighted the new moon. Such declarations are usually coupled with the following facts:

  1. The witnesses who sighted the moon and who number around thirty, for example, are scattered in various cities such as 2 in Isfahan, 3 in Qum, 2 in Yazd, 4 in Kuwait, 5 in Bahrain, 2 in Aḥsāʾ, and 6 in Syria, etc.
  2. The sky was clear in a number of cities in the West, and the believers went out in the attempt to sight the moon; and there was nothing preventing the sighting.
  3. The observatories in England announced that it was impossible to sight the new moon that evening in England except by using a telescope; and that its sighting with the naked eye would be possible only in the following night. So, what is the ruling in such a case? Please guide us, may Allāh reward you.

Answer: The criterion is the satisfaction of the individual himself [1] about the actual sighting [of the new moon] or [2] the proof of sighting without any counter claim. In the case mentioned above, satisfaction is not normally achieved concerning the appearance of the new moon on the horizon in such a way that it could have been sighted by the naked eye. On the contrary, one is satisfied that it was not sighted and that the testimony [of sightings in the Eastern cities] is based on illusion and error in sight. And Allāh knows the best.[12]

In short, the beginning of each Islamic month must be based on certainty, and even the testimony of trustworthy and ʿādil witnesses cannot be utilized unless it fulfills the standard mentioned above.

Evaluating Sighting Reports Scientifically

As mentioned earlier, astronomical models are still not precise enough to tell us with absolute certainty exactly where the crescent will or will not be visible in all cases. This is because of the many factors, both astronomical and atmospheric, that affect its visibility.

At the same time, it is frequently possible to scientifically rule out the prospect of sighting in a particular area, a fact which we can also see reflected in the questions posed to Sayyid Sistani that are quoted above. Experts have created astronomical models that explain the possibility of seeing the crescent in terms of “visibility curves” that spread westward across the globe. These curves, plotted on a map or globe, show where the crescent should be visible with ease, where it may be visible under perfect atmospheric conditions, where optical aids may be needed to find or see it, and finally, where the crescent will not be visible at all, even with telescopes.

The models created in this way are based on astronomical realities and are corroborated by years, or even centuries, of observations, and thus are extremely reliable—especially in ruling out any report of sighting the crescent that originates from outside of even the widest visibility curve (in which the crescent can only be seen with optical aid, not with the naked eye). So if there is a case where a reported sighting conflicts with conclusive astronomical data, it can be discounted.

Reported Sightings and Astronomical Models

One might be tempted to say that if the moon sighting is reported by trustworthy and ʿādil witnesses even though the astronomical models show it to be impossible, that should call into question the validity of those models rather than result in the discounting of the witnesses’ testimony.

To understand why that is not necessarily the case, it is important to understand that it is entirely possible and even common for people to think they have seen the moon when in reality they have not. Clouds, dust, pollution, and other natural factors can sometimes be confused for the young crescent. And of course, today there are also many manmade objects in the sky that can confuse even an experienced observer, such as aircraft and various types of satellites. This type of confusion existed even in the era of the Imāms, as evidenced by this ḥadīth from Imām Ṣādiq (a), in which he was asked how many witnesses are sufficient in sighting the crescent.  The Imām replied:

إن شهر رمضان فريضة من فرائض الله، فلا تؤدوا بالتظني.  وليس رؤية الهلال أن يقوم عدة فيقول واحد: قد رأيته، ويقول الآخرون: لم نره؛ إذا رآه واحد رآه مائة، وإذا رآه مائة رآه ألف.  ولا يجزئ في رؤية الهلال إذا لم يكن في السماء علة أقل من شهادة خمسين، وإذا كانت في السماء علة قبلت شهادة رجلين يدخلان ويخرجان من مصر.

Verily, the month of Ramaḍān is one of the Divine obligations, so don’t base it on conjecture. And sighting the crescent is not for a group to go out, and then one says, “I have seen it,” while the others say “We didn’t see it.” If one sees it, a hundred see it, and if a hundred see it, a thousand see it. And in sighting the moon, the testimony of less than fifty is not sufficient if there is no obstacle in the sky; and if there is an obstacle, the testimony of two men who enter and leave a city is acceptable.[13]

There are several other similar aḥadīth from the Imāms that demonstrate that mistaken sightings were an issue even in that era, before pollution and the presence of foreign objects in the sky were as much of an issue as they are today.

Thus, if the astronomical models and data are conclusive in eliminating the possibility of sighting, that determination in fact can be relied upon even if there are reports of the moon sighting. However, if the scientific models are not conclusive, the eyewitness testimony cannot be discounted.

Conclusion

It sometimes happens that various Shīʿī and Sunnī centers arrive at different dates for the start of the Islamic month. In accordance with the different scholarly opinions, some rely on reported sightings, while others make use of astronomical models and calculations. Whatever determination an individual may make, it is important to bear in mind that unity does not require conformity, but rather respect and understanding for those who may have come to a different determination.

 


[1] Islamic Laws, Issue 1740.  See also المسائل المنتخبة، المسألة 475.

[2] “وهكذا لو حكم الحاكم الشرعي بالهلال كان حكمه حجة شرعية لعامة المكلفين ووجب عليهم اتباعه.”

[3] Practical Laws of Islam, Question 839.

[4] Tawḍīh al-Masāʾil, Shaykh Makarim Shirazi, Issue 1456.

[5] Tawḍīh al-Masāʾil, Shaykh Makarim Shirazi, Issue 1457. See also Islamic Laws, Sayyid Sistani, Issue 1741.

[6] “On the Crescent’s Visibility,” S. Kamal Abdali, Ph.D. (http://patriot.net/~abdali/ftp/moon.pdf)

[7] For example, if one says the moon was in one direction and the other says it was in another direction, their testimony will not be valid.

[8] In this case, if two ʿādil witnesses say, “We saw the crescent,” and two others say, “We did not see it,” the testimony of the first group will be admissible. But if the second group actually denies and the sighting of the crescent itself, for example, by saying, “We looked, and the crescent wasn’t there,” then the two conflicting testimonies cancel each other and neither is admissible.

[9] For example, if two ʿādil witnesses testify to seeing the moon but a person is satisfied by scientific or other means that their sighting is mistaken or in error.

[10] Practical Laws of Islam, Issue 837; Tawḍīh al-Masāʾil, Issue 1456. Shaykh Makarim adds that if the two witnesses mention attributes of the crescent that indicate they made a mistake, their testimony does not prove the new month—even if they don’t contradict one another.

[11] Islamic Laws, Issue 1739.

[12] See http://www.najaf.org/english/book/5/ and http://www.rafed.net/books/fegh/moqtarabin/se4.html#15.

[13] Wasāʾil al-Shīʿah, vol. 10, p. 289

Devotional Theology: An Interview with Shaykh Vinay Khetia

Al-Sidrah had the pleasure of speaking with Shaykh Vinay Khetia about his Ph.D. thesis which he is currently writing on the duʿāʾ and ziyārāt of the Ahl al-Bayt.

In this interview, he introduces his educational background before elaborating on his research. Of particular interest is his explanation of the history and focus of scholastic commentaries on Shīʿī devotional literature. He explains that this process perhaps started in the 13th century with Sayyid ibn Ṭāwūs, expanded in the Safavid era, and has continued through to the contemporary period. He also provides the names of contemporary ʿulamaʾ who have written on the duʿāʾ of the Imāms, and the academic scholars and ʿulamaʾ that he is working with to complete his thesis.

Beyond speaking about the academic nature of his topic, Shaykh Khetia provides some useful insight for how communities and individuals who are not fluent in classical Arabic can effectively engage with, and develop a spiritual connection to, various duʿāʾ and ziyārāt. This includes what one should focus on when reading, and how an individual can build an Arabic vocabulary that will deepen their connection to the subtle meanings embedded in the texts.

We pray for Shaykh Khetia’s success and look forward to benefiting from his research in the future. Use the player below to listen.

Interview with Shaykh Vinay Khetia – Du’a

 

Shīʿī Theology through the Lens of Divine Justice

Part 1 of a Summary-Review of  Shīʿī Islam: An Introduction

Najam Haider’s book Shīʿī Islam: An Introduction is one of the latest additions to a growing body of academic scholarship on Shīʿī Islam. The book is unique: it is neither a typical theological primer nor a plain historical account. Many other introductory level texts are limited to theological or legal tracts without regard for historical context. Others are primarily historical and may overemphasize contentious moments in history. Haider attempts to historically situate the primary doctrines of Shīʿī Islam and the developing Shīʿī community, and explains that the development of its theology influenced the way Shīʿī Muslims remembered their past – suggesting that theology and history are intertwined. In this summary review, I present an overview of this book with special attention to the Twelver school and include comments wherever it may be useful to our community. Part one of this series will focus on the book’s introduction and its exposition of theological issues related to the concept of Divine Justice.

Shīʿī Islam as an Independent School

The introduction gives an expectation of a thoughtful account of Shīʿī Islam in contrast to Sunnī Islam, and does so without essentializing their differences or exaggerating their similarities. Haider recognizes that many works tend to present Shīʿī Islam as originating from the political controversies over the succession of the Prophet (ṣ) or focus on peripheral differences between the schools – like the issue of the placement of the hands in prayer. These works may perpetuate the misconception that Shīʿī Islam is an accident of history. They may also overlook the methodological and theological elements of Shīʿī Islam that are indicative of more than just political disagreements between groups of Muslims, and may also gloss over distinct Shīʿī trends that existed before the Prophet’s (ṣ) death. The book recognizes most of these broader elements, including their characteristic position on the nature of God and religious authority, and this helps the reader appreciate Shīʿī Islam as a relevant school of Islam that links itself to Islam’s religious heritage in a deeper way. Special attention is given to the idea of development of the school, implying an interplay of social, political, and intellectual forces at work as Shīʿī Islam expressed itself over time. It also suggests the advent of a theological consolidation close to the 10th century and speaks of rapid changes within Shīʿī scholarship and authority as the community moved towards the modern period. Later on in this piece, we will make some remarks about the possible implications of these assessments. Three groups associated with Shīʿī Islam are discussed in this book: the Twelvers, the Zaydīs, and the Ismaʿīlīs.

The Development of Shīʿī Islam

Shīʿī Islam: An Introduction

Section I begins with an introduction of modern Shīʿī theology along with a brief narrative of the historical development of these ideas during the eighth and ninth centuries onwards[1]. During this period, Shīʿī scholars engaged in intense debates with scholars from the Ashʿarī and Muʿtazilī schools. The book suggests that much of Shīʿī doctrine was formulated in light of this debate, particularly with the Muʿtazilah. In fact, by the tenth century it states the Shīʿah selectively appropriated certain principles from Muʿtazilī doctrine while rejecting other principles that conflicted with the central Shīʿī doctrine of Imāmah (translated as “legitimate leadership”). Haider admits in a footnote that this framing is oversimplified. The footnote recognizes the development of Shīʿī doctrine was certainly not a one-way appropriation by Shīʿah who simply took from the Muʿtazilah. The book states a number of Muʿtazilī theologians themselves became Shīʿī, indicating a more dynamic interplay between the two schools.[2] It may be useful to point out that the idea of Shīʿah doctrine “developing” may seem incongruous to a practicing Shīʿī audience. First, it need not be problematic if understood as a scholarly attempt to consolidate and articulate the teachings of the Qurʾān, the Ahl al-Bayt, and reason into theological form.[3] Development would then mean continuous effort to couch an eternal truth in time, in a particular type of language, alongside changing contexts, and in light of newly developing sciences. The book emphasizes the changing aspects of this development, but does not provide believers insight to the extent to which these efforts can unveil higher truths about the realities underlying Islamic beliefs, which is perhaps outside the scope of the book. Second, some Muʿtazilī scholars trace their formulations to Imām ʿAlī (a), indicating the possibility that both schools were drawing from similar inspiration in parallel.[4] Third, the book does not explore the possibility that Shīʿī scholars may have utilized formulations similar to the Muʿtazilah for the sake of debate or analysis and thus may not have viewed the formulations themselves to be fundamental to their own religious commitments.

Shīʿī Islam in Relation to the Muʿtazilah

The book characterizes the Muʿtazilah as a theological school known for emphasizing ʿaql (translated as “reason”) as paramount in theology, ethics, and Qurʾānic exegesis. It lists five core beliefs that were associated with the Muʿtazilah, which are:

  • Ṭawhīd (translated as “Divine Oneness”): that the descriptions of God mentioned in the Qurʾān (g., the Face of God, the Hand of God, etc) are metaphorical and should not be interpreted in anthropomorphic terms[5]
  • ‘Adl (translated as “Divine Justice”): that God is Just in a way that we can rationally understand, or in other words, God must align to a moral standard that human beings know to be correct by means of reason
  • That God strictly upholds the reward of righteous believers and the punishment of sinners
  • An intermediate position on grave sinners as fāsiq, who are condemned to hell but maintain their legal standing as Muslims
  • The principle of enjoining good and forbidding evil, requiring Muslims to act to reform their own communities

Muʿtazilī scholars did not consider the office of Imāmah as a principle because it was not reserved for a specific divinely sanctioned lineage, with some going further to state that an imām is not necessarily required at all times.

While the Muʿtazilah criticized the Shīʿah for their positions, the book states that most of the broader Shīʿī community aligned themselves with Muʿtazilī positions, especially the Zaydiyyah who accepted nearly all of their theology (but they still restricted the office of Imāmah to the descendants of Imām ʿAlī (a)). It is said that the Twelvers affirmed the first and second, conditionally accepted the fifth, but rejected the third and fourth. The third principle left little-to-no room for intercession (shafāʿah), due to a belief that the office of Imāmah was not merely political leadership but also involved the Imām’s (and Prophet’s) role in the guidance and salvation of their loyal followers. The book states that the Twelvers rejected the fourth principle as being merely a political move to absolve certain companions of grave sins or acts of apostasy, such as waging war against Imām ʿAlī (a). It is noteworthy, that many contemporary jurists, such as Sayyid Sīstānī, hold the legal opinion that the sin of public enmity towards the Ahl al-Bayt (a) does indeed take one outside the fold of Islam if it is done by one who knows this is against Prophetic teachings.[6] As for the Ismaʿīlīs, chapter one does not say much about their relationship to these principles due to the complications of having living Imāms who had the power to change doctrine each generation.

Shīʿī Islam in Relation to Sunnī Scholars

The book accounts for another major opposition to Muʿtazilah theology among Islamic scholars: traditionists who adopted a literalist interpretation of revelation and aḥadīth and therefore “rejected the very project of theology.”[7] It goes on to state that a middle position was founded in the tenth century known as the Ashʿarī school which accepted the emphasis of the religious texts over-and-above reason, but defended these positions using rational discourse. The Ashʿarī school would eventually become the dominant position within Sunnī Islam.[8]

As an aside, readers would have benefited from a discussion on the use of the term “literalist”. The book may give one the impression that a literal interpretation is something only undertaken by traditionists. After all, recent Twelver scholars like Sayyid al-Khuʾī have explained the importance of literal (or perhaps “apparent”) meanings in texts but explain them in a way that maintains the sophistication and profundity of the revealed sources which do not limit them to mundane interpretations.[9]

Divine Justice – A Point of Contention between Schools

One of the larger contentions of Sunnī Ashʿarī scholars with the Shīʿah was over the issue of Divine Justice. As explained in chapter one, Ashʿarīs argue that God is just by definition, and so what God chooses to do, decide, command, and prohibit is what defines goodness and justice. Going further, people are not in a position to apply such labels to God since their power of reason cannot independently determine what is just and moral, whether for God or for themselves. Any attempt is speculative at best. God’s actions may not necessarily accord with a human determination of what is right or wrong, and may even flatly contradict. One must discover what is just by seeking recourse to God’s own words, found in revelation and prophetic teachings. This contrasts with the Shīʿī position. The book explains that the Shīʿah believe that God is just in a way humans can rationally understand, and therefore justice and morality are capable of being independently understood by means of reason. God’s actions must align must “accord with the basic postulates of reason”.[10] Contenders of the Shīʿah may argue that this imposes rules on God.

Divine Justice: Morality and Law

The book outlines the perspectives of both Sunnī and Shīʿī schools on morality and law. Their ethical and legal outlooks differ because how they differed on the question of Divine Justice. The book mentions that both Shīʿī and Sunnī scholars believe all people have an intrinsic human proclivity (fitrah) towards the belief in monotheism. However, Sunnīs derive ethical and legal conclusions from an engagement with revealed sources (such as the Qurʾān and aḥadith), using intellectual tools such as reason, qīyās (translated as “analogical reasoning”), and the consensus of previous expert opinions (ijmāʾ) to extract prescriptions from revealed sources. Revealed sources are central to Sunnīs. For them, reason does not have the independent power to derive ethical conclusions of its own, and must operate through the text in order to uncover ethical prescriptions.

The book is less clear on the Shīʿī perspective on morality and law. Shīʿī scholars are said to also engage with the revealed sources using reason to extract detailed prescriptions. It suggests that reason can independently grasp the existence of the correct ethical system, and is theoretically capable of ascertaining the divine purpose of laws derived from revealed sources. This is because reason can ascertain objective morality and so can recognize its correspondence in the sources. Reason therefore plays a more prominent role in ethics and in the derivation of law. The book makes a suggestive statement that Shīʿī jurists even uphold the theoretical possibility of utilizing reason alone in the derivation of legal rulings, but states that they rarely do so. The reader is not likely to glean from the book a clear picture of how this is accomplished.

At this point I would like to anticipate questions by referring to the teachings of a prominent contemporary Shīʿī theologian, Shaykh Jaʿfar Subḥānī.[11] As he elucidates, the Shīʿī position on Divine Justice does not limit the power of God nor impose upon Him external rules. Any sound determination of reason would be consonant with God not because it externally forces Him to be a certain way, but precisely because it derives from Him as part and parcel of His creation. In a manner of speaking, God’s revelation has two forms: the words of scripture, and the Divinely-inspired human nature, or fitrah. The fitrah is manifested in the human proclivity for goodness and antipathy for evil, and this manner of being grants humans a perceptive power known as reason which can recognize right and wrong. Reason and revelation together communicate the way God would want us to approach ethical decisions. To reject either one is to reject His wisdom. In the words of Shaykh Subḥānī, “reason does not impose an obligation on God, but rather unveils something from God.”[12] Haider hints at this, stating that the Shīʿī scholars “are not placing a constraint on God but merely providing an empirical description of His actions.”[13] This description can help us reconcile why it is impossible to accept that a fair God could place an infallible saint in hell for his or her many good deeds.

Second, among Shīʿī scholars is much discussion over the value and limits of reason in determining ethical prescriptions independently of revelation. It is clear, however, that good and evil are said to be intelligible at least in a general way and we do not need revelation to confirm this.[14] This opinion would suggest that normal people are not capable of determining the precise details of all fair and unjust acts, but are capable of knowing the basic postulates of reason that clearly reveal injustice as generally wrong and God as just. And so, for example, any person or idea that encourages wholesale genocide of innocents could be ruled out immediately on this basis. Revealed sources would thereafter play an important role in explicating the details of a truthful religion which would be inaccessible to reason alone. Traditions speak of this dual-natured guidance, reason being an inner proof and prophetic guidance being an outer proof.[15]

Third, some argue that reason is supposed to lead all people to the same conclusions since it is a universal human faculty, and so the existence of debate is evidence enough that it has no such ability to independently arrive at moral truths. A response given is that not all determinations of reason are alike. Some are self-evident while others require contemplation and the blossoming of the intellect. This is perhaps why some people do not recognize certain rational principles as others do; hence the disagreement.[16] Finally, some have problematized the issue further by pointing out paradoxes in ethics; for example, lying may sometimes be justified in order to save a large number of people from a tyrant. If reason understands both lying and murder as wrong, what apart from revealed sources could arbitrate this moral dilemma? Reason comes to our aid once again; it independently understands that although lying and murder are evil, a lie compared to a pending mass-murder is certainly less evil.[17]

The Implications of Divine Justice on the rest of Shīʿī Theology

Moving onward, the book links the Shīʿī position on Divine Justice to their peculiar perspectives on free will, the existence of evil, Imāmah, and social justice.

Divine Justice Implies Free Will

Although practical and experiential reasons are posited for assenting to the idea that humans enjoy freedom in their actions, the Shīʿī scholars also believe that reason can perceive the tyranny or capriciousness of a God who compels our actions yet holds us accountable. Shīʿī scholars support this position by recourse to Qurʾānic verses that confirm our ability to choose between right and wrong. Other verses that appear to imply a divinely appointed destiny for people are given philosophical interpretations which reconcile the decrees (qadā’) and determinations (qadar) of God with free will.

Reconciling Divine Justice with Evil

The doctrine of Divine Justice made it difficult to resolve the apparent paradoxes of evil in a world created by a merciful, good God. The book suggests that Shīʿī scholars refused to ascribe evil to God, despite His absolute control over every created thing, and attempted to resolve this difficulty in three ways. First, evil is a necessary corollary of the material world, and the existence of a world with some evil in it means that it must have a greater purpose. Second, a substantial amount of evil in the world is a consequence of human free-will (e.g. oppression by tyrants) which as mentioned before is a necessary part of our existence, but absolves God of the moral responsibility of evil human behavior and requires moral agents to rectify such evil (the practical application of these efforts varied with the different Shīʿī schools, but all recognized the Imām at the helm). Third, from a philosophical perspective, evil is actually non-existential and takes place where God’s will is absent, like a shadow which is simply the absence of sunlight.

Reconciling Divine Power with Free-will and Evil

The book moves on to explain the supposed inconsistency between an omnipotent God with free-will and evil. Both appear to imply that God is not in control of human action. The book does not resolve this difficulty directly, but makes an association between this paradox and another well-known problem where God is tasked to create an illogical creature or one He cannot overcome, like a 5-sided triangle or an immovable rock. Shaykh Jaʿfar Subḥānī clarifies that God’s infinite power extends to all possible beings, while impossible beings are so deficient and limited as to not be capable of accepting God’s grace to exist.[18] So the limitation is not with God, but to that which is incapable of receiving God’s grace. As Imām ʿAlī (a) states, “God has no connection with incapacity, so that about which you asked about (ie, impossible beings) cannot be.”[19] The book does not rigorously engage with the possibility of a world without evil, or whether such a world would be a better one, although Shīʿī scholars have done so in the past.

The Sunnī opinion on both free-will and evil is presented by the book as contradictory: they uphold predestination in theory while simultaneously acknowledging the Qurʾānic verses that imply free-will. There is apparently no need to resolve this difficulty since reason is not necessarily in a position to independently grasp an explanation. Sunnīs did develop concepts like kasb which reconciled a form of human agency with God’s omnipotence, but the details are not presented in the book. Sunnīs also discussed theodicy and evil by referencing revealed sources. This appears not to be an attempt to resolve rational contradictions in theology but rather to explore religious sources for guidance.

Divine Justice implies Imāmah

Shīʿī doctrine holds that one of the central consequences of Divine Justice is the belief in luṭf (grace), whereby God acts in humanity’s best interests. Prophethood is therefore predicated on the principle of God’s grace, delivering to humanity essential guidance that most if not all human beings could not have understood on their own. The Shīʿah take this principle a step further arguing for the need of proper interpretation of the Prophet’s revelation, and hence the need for an Imām to preserve the truth in its correct form. A few more distinctive theological beliefs unfold thereafter, including the Twelver and Ismaʿīlī belief in Imāmah and ‘isma (infallibility) of the divinely appointed personalities who are responsible for infallibly conveying and preserving the divine message. The Zaydiyyah do not go so far and believe instead that human reason is sufficient for grasping at a proper interpretation of revelation and concentrate instead on Imāmah’s political and social aspects.

Shīʿī Islam and the Qurʾān

As a final comment, the book’s theological account lacks a serious treatment of the Shīʿī relationship to the Qurʾān. The reader may be left with the impression that Shīʿī Islam does not center itself around Islam’s divine text nor have its own exegetical perspectives. The book focuses on its role in clarifying ethical prescriptions and law along with providing supporting evidence for doctrine. We believe mainstream Shīʿī Islam recognizes both the Qurʾān and Imāmah as two foundational sources for orienting believers towards a comprehensive Islamic worldview, as is suggested by the famous Hadīth al-Thaqalayn, and this would have been worthwhile to explore further due to the misconception that the Shīʿah underemphasize the Qurʾān and overemphasize Imāmah.[20]

Conclusion

Shīʿī Islam: An Introduction is a well rounded primer to Shīʿī Islam. Its first section takes the reader through the distinctive theological positions of modern Shīʿī Islam, tracing their roots to the historical debates with other schools of theology. The book avoids certain pitfalls common to other introductory level books by recognizing this school as theologically distinctive rather than merely politically charged, having its own unique approach to Islam. It also makes bold claims regarding the development of Shīʿī theology as something of an appropriation of Muʿtazilah thought, although we shared an alternative perspective where Shīʿī scholarship ran parallel, but in conversation, with Muʿtazilah scholars who share similar inspirations and sources of knowledge. The book places special emphasis on the historical development of Shīʿī theology, but we suggested the need for more explanation and nuance in describing how theological developments can relate to primordial Islamic truths. Finally, Shīʿī approaches to fundamental theological issues lead to distinctive perspectives on human reason, ethics, exegesis, and doctrine. The most well-known consequence of Divine Justice is the Institution of Imāmah, the cornerstone of Shīʿī theology. In part two we hope to explore the book in further detail, focusing on its characterization of Imāmah.

 


[1] The adjective “modern” is used because the author suggests that the earlier Shīʿī community may not have articulated these doctrines or presented them in the way familiar to the later Shīʿī community.

[2] For a treatment of one such scholar, ibn Qiba, please refer to Hossein Modarressi’s Crisis and Consolidation Crisis and Consolidation in the Formative Period of Shīʿite Islam: Abū Jaʿfar ibn Qiba al-Rāzī and His Contribution to Imāmite Shīʿite Thought.

[3] Murtaẓa Mutahharī states in Introduction to Ilm al-Kalam: “…’ilm al-kalam, like any other field of study, developed gradually and slowly attained maturity.”

[4] Muḥammad Riḍa Jaʿfarī in the chapter “The beliefs of the Imamiyyah” in An Introduction to the Emendation of A Shi‘ite Creed (http://www.al-islam.org/introduction-emendation-shiite-creed-muhammad-rida-jafari), wrote, “…it is enough to point out that al-Ka‘bi al-Balkhi, the Qadi ‘Abdu ‘l-Jabbar, Ibnu ‘l-Murtada and Nashwan al-Himyari trace the origin of the Mu‘tazilah School, with respect to Justice and Unicity, to the Commander of the Faithful…” His various sources can be found in his footnote.

[5] In addition to what is stated by Haider in the book, the Muʿtazilah held that the Divine attributes are not distinct from God’s essence—that is, God’s Being is not distinct from His Mercy, Power, Knowledge, etc.

[6] ʿAli Husaynī Sīstānī, al-Masāʾil al-Muntakhabah, (Maktab Samāḥat al-Sayyid Āyat Allāh al-ʿuẓmā al-Sayyid al-Sīstānī), 86.

[7] Najam Haider, Shīʿī Islam: An Introduction, (NY: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 15.

[8] Although Ashʿarī theology was at one time dominant in Sunnī Islam, in recent times it has been challenged by Modernist and Salafī conceptions of theology.

[9] al-Sayyid Abū al-Qāsim al-Khuʾī, Zawahir al-Qur’an: The Authority of the Book’s Literal Meanings, trans. Mujahid Husayn, http://www.al-islam.org/al-tawhid/general-al-tawhid/zawahir-al-quran-authority-books-literal-meanings.

[10] Najam Haider, Shīʿī Islam: An Introduction, (NY: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 18.

[11] Sayyid Sulayman Hassan, “Kalām Lecture based on Muḥāḍarāt fī al-ilāhiyyāt li-Samāḥat al-ʻAllāmah al-Muḥaqqiq Jaʻfar al-Subḥānī” (class, Ahl al-Bayt Islamic Seminary, March 1, 2015).

[12] Alī Rabbānī Gulpāyigānī, Muḥāḍarāt fī al-ilāhīyāt li-Samāḥat al-ʻAllāmah al-Muḥaqqiq Jaʻfar al-Subḥānī, (Qum: Muʼassasat al-Imām al-Ṣādiq, 1421).

[13] Najam Haider, Shīʿī Islam: An Introduction, (NY: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 25.

[14] Jaʿfar Subḥānī, trans. Reza-Shah Kazemi, Doctrines of Shiʿi Islam, (London: I.B. Tauris, 2001), 50.

[15] Muḥammad ibn Yaʿqub al-Kulayni, trans. Rizwan Arastu, alKāfī: Book One: Book of Intellect and Foolishness, (Monmouth Junction, NJ: Taqwa Media, 2012), 77.

[16] Sayyid Sulayman Hassan, “Kalām Lecture based on Muḥāḍarāt fī al-ilāhiyyāt li-Samāḥat al-ʻAllāmah al-Muḥaqqiq Jaʻfar al-Subḥānī” (class, Ahl al-Bayt Islamic Seminary, April 5, 2015).

[17] Sayyid Sulayman Hassan, “Kalām Lecture based on Muḥāḍarāt fī al-ilāhiyyāt li-Samāḥat al-ʻAllāmah al-Muḥaqqiq Jaʻfar al-Subḥānī” (class, Ahl al-Bayt Islamic Seminary, April 5, 2015).

[18] Jaʿfar Subḥānī, trans. Reza-Shah Kazemi, Doctrines of Shiʿi Islam, (London: I.B. Tauris, 2001), 36.

[19] Jaʿfar Subḥānī, trans. Reza-Shah Kazemi, Doctrines of Shiʿi Islam, (London: I.B. Tauris, 2001), 37.

[20] “The Prophet has said, ‘I leave among you two facts, if you hold to them firmly, you will never be misled: the Book of Allah, the most Holy, the most High, and my family…”, in Muhammad Sarwar’s translation of al-Kāfī (NY: Islamic Seminary Inc., 2014) .

A Sketch of Muftī Jaʿfar Ḥusayn’s Contributions to the Shīʿī Community

Imām ʿAlī (a) spent his entire life, from his youth until his final breath, in the service of Islam. His life story provides abundant illustrations of moral rectitude from a variety of perspectives: he exhibited the highest ethical standards as a political leader, a scholar, an army general, a father, and in many other capacities throughout his life. It was because of these unique virtues that Imām Alī (a) served as the greatest role model for countless generations of Muslim scholars and leaders. A contemporary Islamic scholar who endeavored to follow Imām ʿAlī’s comprehensive example was Muftī Jaʿfar Ḥusayn. He spent most of his childhood and youth studying Islam, to eventually actively serve his community by preaching and providing political leadership in difficult times; he gave many personal sacrifices for the greater good of the community through his years of service.

Muftī Ja`far could have limited himself to the traditional roles of preaching, teaching his students, writing, or devoting himself to political work. Instead, he attempted to emulate Imām ʿAlī comprehensively; he dedicated his life for Islam, striving in the path of Allah, and became successful in various spheres of life. We may learn many lessons from his life, but among the greatest lessons are to dedicate ourselves to the path of Allah with pure intentions, to work sincerely, and to bear hardships patiently in His way. One should be willing to devote oneself to whatever is the need of the time rather than solely focusing on what one wants to do based on one’s personal taste.

Below is a brief summary of his life and some of his achievements along with translated excerpts from his work in Urdu, Sīrah of Imām ʿAlī.

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Muftī Jaʿfar Ḥusayn[1] was born in 1914 in Gūjrānwālā, Punjāb. He learned Qurʾān and Arabic from his uncle, Ḥakīm Shihāb al-Dīn, from the age of five to seven. After that, he learned ḥadīth and fiqh from different scholars. Then he went to Lucknow, India and studied there for nine years in Madrasah e-Nāzimiyyah. In 1935, he moved to the Ḥawzah of Najaf, Iraq, and studied there for five years with various scholars including Āyat Allāh Sayyid Abū al-Ḥasan Iṣfahānī, Shaykh ʿAbd al-Ḥusayn Rashtī, Shaykh Ibrahīm Rashtī, Sayyid Jawād Tabrīzī, Shaykh Mirzā Bāqir Zanjānī, and Shaykh Sayyid ʿAlī Nūrī.

After completing his studies in Najaf, he returned to Lucknow and then finally settled in Gūjrānwālā. He provided many services by imparting religious education and providing social and political leadership for the Shi`ah community in the newly-formed country of Pakistan. Among his activities are the following:

  • Establishment of the first Shīʿī school of learning, Madrasah e-Jaʿfariyyah, in the town of Gūjrānwālā, Punjab
  • Ensuring the recognition of Jaʿfarī fiqh with governmental backing in Pakistan
  • Formation of Shīʿī zakāt committees in order for the Shīʿah to be able to pay zakāt according to the requirements of Jaʿfarī fiqh
  • Establishment of an organized press for the community and issuing a daily newspaper
  • Prescribing separate curriculum for Shīʿī theology in schools, providing students a choice to study Shīʿī theology or Sunnī theology
  • Removing the impediments to the observation of ʿazādārī by the Shīʿah Community
  • Formation of a national Secretariat to coordinate with and guide the Shīʿah Community in an organized manner

As far as recognition of Jaʿfarī fiqh by the government was concerned, he traveled across the country, addressed press conferences, and met government functionaries to galvanize action toward the matter. He never compromised on his principles and, to achieve this lofty goal, he resigned from the membership of the Islāmī Naẓāriyyātī council, thus giving up his honorarium, which was his only source of income at that time.

He was also famous for his literary works which included the Urdu translation of Nahj al-Balaghah and al-Ṣahīfat al-Sajjādiyyah. He also wrote a two-volume book on the Sīrah of Imām ʿAlī (a). In this book, he gives a very detailed biography of Imām ʿAlī (a) from his birth to the end of his life. The author touches upon his genealogy, his character and habits, knowledge, and bravery, and he presents details of many important events that took place in his life.

To conclude this brief sketch of Muftī Jaʿfar Ḥusayn’s life, a few excerpts from his book on Imām ʿAlī (a) are presented below. In addition to a biography of the Imam, the book discusses the eloquence of the Imām (a) in speech and writing, quoting some of the sayings which he introduced to the Arabic language and certain phrases which can be best understood by those familiar with Arabic literature.

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Imām ʿAlī (a) and Knowledge of Literature

Imām ʿAlī’s (a) speeches and sermons played a major role in developing Arabic literature and making it reach great heights. He gave the language a new literary and expressive style, opened new pathways for eloquence, and taught the rules of Arabic grammar. He left deep impressions in all fields of literature; scholars consider his sermons and his words to be an inspiration for future orators and writers.

Imām ʿAlī (a) and Arabic Grammar

Abū al-Aswad mentions that he once went to Imām ʿAlī (a) and saw that he was deep in thought. He asked him what he was pondering upon and the Imām (a) explained that non-Arabs were using words which were grammatically and syntactically incorrect. If attention would not be given to proper Arabic speech, it would gradually become difficult to understand what people were intending to say. After much deliberation, he decided to define the rules so that a distinction between correct and incorrect speech could be made. Abū al-Aswad then said to the Imām (a) that if he would do this, the Arabic language would live forever; otherwise it would digress from the language of the Qurʾān.

Abū al-Aswad mentions that he came to Imām ʿAlī (a) three days later and the Imām (a) gave him a leaf with the following written on it:

Words are of three types: nouns, verbs, and particles. A noun is a word which gives news about something named, a verb is a word which gives news about an action, and a particle is a word which neither has the meaning of the noun nor the verb.

Then Imām ʿAlī (a) said: “O Abū al-Aswad! You should know that things are of three types: Apparent, hidden or something which is neither apparent nor hidden (like demonstrative pronouns).” After this he defined some further rules and said: “Follow this path (nahw).” Because of these words of Imām ʿAlī (a), the rules of Arabic grammar are even today known as “Nahw.”

Imām ʿAlī (a) and Poetry

Imām ʿAlī (a) inherited the art of poetry and usage of words from his father, Abū Ṭālib. He has written poetry in the areas of asceticism and high morals. A few couplets from his poetry are presented below:

Peace on the people of the grave, the effaced,
Like they had never attended any gathering,

And had not drank cold water,
And had not eaten ripe or dried dates,

Tell me which grave among you is lowly,
And the one which is superior and honorable?

Imām ʿAlī (a) and Writing

Imām ʿAlī (a) was an expert in writing as well. Writing the verses of the Qur’an and recording traditions of the Prophet (ṣ) are attributed to him. Not only did he guide toward the rules of grammar and the utilization of dots in orthography, he also presented other rules of writing as well.

To encourage good handwriting, he (a) said: “Write with good handwriting as it is among the keys of sustenance.” It is also recorded that he said: “Good handwriting is wealth for the poor, beauty for the rich, and perfection for a scholar.”

On another occasion, to stress its importance, he said: “Teach your children to write.”

[1] More information can be found at: http://www.islam-laws.com/marja/muftijafar.htm

 

Shīʿī Institutions of North America: The Muslim Group – An Interview with Dr. Ghassan Zalzaleh

The Shīʿī community in North America, from its earliest years, founded a number of organizations to provide institutional support for the community’s array of needs and goals. Many of the earliest founded institutions continue to exist today, though in an evolved form. This is the second in an installment of Occasional Papers that explore the roots and developments of some of the community’s important institutions and projects through the eyes of the some of their prominent participants. In this interview, we continue the series with the Muslim Group (also known as the Muslim Group of the United States and Canada).

Al-Sidrah had the privilege to speak with Dr. Ghassan Zalzaleh. Dr. Ghassan Zalzaleh is a Syrian-American oncology doctor who lives in the suburbs of Chicago. He is the head of the Board of Trustees of the Muslim Group and has been working, hand-in-hand, with other board members for more than 25 years to keep this organization contributing to the Muslim community of North America.

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Transcript (lightly edited for clarity and content)

Q: What can you tell me about the Muslim Group? And what is your position at Muslim Group?

A: Muslim Group it is a non-profit organization that was established about 35 years ago for Muslims who live in America. It was established at that time because there was a need for a gathering for the Muslim students coming from different countries and for those who were living in the US. It was founded by students for students with the blessings and following the advice of religious leadership (marājiʿ). The Muslim Group has a Board of Trustees and I am one of these five board members.

Q: How broad and how active was the Muslim Group when it first started?

A: Muslim Group was established only to serve the Arab Muslim community in America, mainly students and their families who came to study here. It started as an occasional gathering to accommodate religious needs as Muslims in America.

Q: So for the past 2 or 3 conferences, I noticed that it primarily depends on young adults and on students. Has that always been the case or was there some sort of senior supervision?

A: Well actually those people who started the organization at that time, they were young and they had to do all the work themselves. There were no senior members or other senior ʿulamaʾ supervising their work directly, until they became seniors later on. Their children or those who were children and young kids at that time became the young staff and workers of that organization.

Q: What made you decide that establishing such an organization was important in the United States?

A: At that time, 30-40 years ago, we lacked Islamic centers, mosques, Islamic libraries, social clubs, and other Islamic facilities. There were only a few such institutes, here and there, and they were not accessible to everyone. Furthermore, communication between Muslims at that time was hard due to the scarcity of Islamic centers, and therefore, it was a necessity, at that time, to do some networking, to socialize, to arrange some gatherings, and to bring Muslims together, to provide some social and Islamic education to people, and for our younger generations to grow up with other Muslim peers. That is what made it a highly demanded necessity in the community.

 The late Sayyid Muḥammad Ḥusayn Faḍl Allāh (r) at the 4th annual Muslim Group Conference, 1982
The late Sayyid Muḥammad Ḥusayn Faḍl Allāh (r) at the 4th annual Muslim Group Conference, 1982

Q: Was there a scholar or a religious institution that sponsored or supervised the group in its first days?

A: No, there was no sponsorship in that sense; however, it was advised by the marjiʿ Sayyid Muḥammad Ḥusayn Faḍl Allāh in the 1970s. I believe he had come here to the US and saw the conditions of Muslims living here and got in touch with them; so he advised the youth at that time to make this and go from there. He was giving us his blessings all the time as well as other marājiʿ later on, but that does not mean it was sponsored by anybody.

Q: For the past 35 years, how has the Muslim Group gathered their funds, and how  are they able to give scholarships and other benefits to the community?

A: Usually we have our annual conference which covers its own fees and expenses, and also we have donors. Al-ḥamdu lillāh, for the past 30 years, every year we have some believers who can support this group financially, and they prefer to be anonymous to get more ajr (reward). These are the two major sources for our funding.

Q: Is there anything besides the conference that the Muslim Group provides to the community?

A: Not that much! I mean, as I told you before, when MG first started, there were no Islamic centers or other facilities to serve the Muslim community. There was a greater need for centers and many other things, and therefore we tried to fill the gap. We did youth camps almost every year. We held Duʿāʾ al-Kumayl every week, had a library, and had a magazine called “al-Hidayah.” All this was in the 70’s, 80’s, and early 90’s. Later on, the need from us to do all this was less. Al-ḥamdu lillāh other centers opened their doors and they were offering these services. However, there was more need for communication and networking for Muslims among themselves. Our group focused more on this side, as well as education, and hence we still have our annual conference and the library.

al-Hidayah MG Scan
Al-Hidayah Magazine from April 1995

Q: Based on that, we can understand that now there is no main office, headquarter, branches. Is that correct?

A: We still have branches in different cities, but they are no longer active. The library is still in Dearborn, MI. Our headquarters is in Dearborn at the library. Most of the old staff and our senior members who were there left and went back to their home countries. That is the main reason why MG was fading away, but māshāʾAllāh we have a new generation that is coming right now. And, you see, MG started with only Arab Muslim students; now, after 35 years, we matured to include other Muslims from different ethnic backgrounds. In the beginning, Arabic was the main language. Now, we have matured for English to be the main language. It is a long maturing process, and al-ḥamdu lillāh we are growing and maturing in the right direction.

Q: On your website, it says that you have a Board of Trustees, Executive Board, and then there are the Regional Committees. So my understanding is that the Board of Trustees controls the administrative part; and the Executive Board, which is mostly young people, is responsible for executing orders. Is that right? And what more can you tell us about it?

A: No, that is not correct! We have a Board of Trustees, which is comprised of five members whose role is to maintain the integrity of the Muslim Group’s path of Islamic activism. And for any critical decision, we need to be involved. And any time the Executive Committee has any conflict or any doubt about any issue, they consult the Board of Trustees. The Board of Trustees has the superior power, has the educational and supervision power, but we do not order people. We do not order. We tell them about the conference, ideas, and thoughts. We lay everything in front of them and we ask them to come up with a plan to make this happen. They take all that and come back with a plan and here our job is to give them some advice, but we do not oblige them to take it, unless there is a greater good and it is really critical.

Q: In the past three years, the conference has been held here in the Chicagoland area. Is this going to continue? Can we say that Chicago is the new headquarters?

A: No, it is not the new headquarters. Our decision was based on numerous reasons. The most popular and the easiest to reach city was Chicago. It is mainly because of the ease of coming here: to and from the airport, close to Milwaukee, Indiana, Michigan, St. Louis, and other cities. That was number one. Number two is that you cannot make it on the east or on the west costs. The other cities that can compete with Chicago is Saint Louis, which we have tried a couple of times. The conference was not as successful as when it was in Chicago. Moreover, the community of Chicago is also helping and wanting this to be here, which is good. The hotels here are better, because you need a hotel that can accommodate 1000 attendees; and you would want to have plan B, just in case there is some problem. Chicago is big enough to offer this too, and cover it.

Flyer for the Muslim Group Conference, 2014
Flyer for the Muslim Group Conference, 2014

Q: Does the Muslim Group plan to co-work with other organizations, centers, schools, or seminaries?

A: The Muslim Group, for the longest time, they have been open to work with anybody if they share the same mission with them. Now, there is an idea that is being studied and might be executed this year which is to have the Ahl al-Bayt Islamic Seminary organize a couple of sessions at the conference, and that will show collaboration.

We have tried this with other organizations, some worked okay while others did not work. This is the reason why we are very careful with this thing. We, almost over the last 30 years or so, kept our neutrality. We kept being open to every Muslim, even if they are not from the Shīʿī school of thought. We brought speakers from different schools of thought and from different backgrounds. We try to deal will all the issues that face Muslims in the US, so our speakers do not speak only about Islam, but also medicine, science, technology, etc. We are not restricting ourselves to anything. We are open for any discussion about any collaboration with anybody who shares our mission, and our mission is to improve the well-being of the Muslim community in North America by educating, socializing, and by networking together.

Q: Do you have any closing remarks on behalf of the Muslim Group to the Muslim community at large, or to the Ahl al-Bayt Islamic Seminary faculty and students, specifically?

A: To the community at large, we are always appreciative of them. They never, ever let us down. They never failed us. Every year we hold the conference, it is better than the year before. And I know that the new generation and the youth are showing much enthusiasm and also professionalism, which is giving us more confidence and forcing us to give more and more to the community back.

For the ḥawzah: this year, we had a collaboration in one or two sessions in the night programs, and it was a good start. We understand that this is a new theme or environment for them, and we thought at the same time that this may, at one point, present to them an opportunity to practice their studies that they are doing at the ḥawzah, and for them to try to help others through this conference. This conference is going to make them interact with many people, not only from Chicago, rather from different cities of the USA and Canada. So there is a mutual benefit inshāʾ Allāh. And inshāʾ Allāh we will have some kind of fruitful collaboration in the near future.

 

al-Sidrah: An Introduction

Sayyid Sulayman Hassan

The Ahl al-Bayt Islamic Seminary was established with the mission of training Islamic scholars and leaders who can guide the Muslim communities in the West. To succeed in this mission, in addition to preparing strong scholars rooted in the rich heritage of traditional Islamic learning, the Seminary will require an intimate spiritual and academic connection to the communities it serves. It is the individuals and institutions of these communities who are the primary audience and beneficiaries of the Seminary’s message and mission.

The Seminary’s publication, al-Sidrah, aims to create that essential link between the Seminary’s specialized offerings on the one hand and the broader needs of our society on the other. By producing and imparting critical scholarship and engaging vital societal and cultural issues, al-Sidrah will serve as a forum to foster a deeper appreciation for the values and teachings of Islam.

The publication’s name, al-Sidrah, is inspired by the celestial “lote-tree” mentioned in the Qurʾān in connection with the Prophet’s night journey to the heavens. The lote-tree symbolizes Divinely-inspired knowledge and the connection between the celestial and the mundane realms, and the name, al-Sidrah, reflects the believer’s yearning to remain ever connected to the spring of Divine guidance and knowledge.

On behalf of the students and faculty of the Ahl al-Bayt Islamic Seminary, we invite you to join the Seminary’s community by participating in its intellectual and spiritual mission—and we hope that al-Sidrah will be a worthy companion as you set out on this path.

 

Imāmic and Scholastic Knowledge: An Interview with Sayyid Sulayman Hassan

Interview Questions Authored by Naveed Ganjani and Azhar Sheraze.

In accordance with the Imāmī Shīʿī interpretation of Islam, the Prophet Muḥammad (ṣ) was succeeded by divinely appointed successors from among his progeny, the Imāms of the Ahl al-Bayt. These Imāms guided the Muslim community by infallibly preserving and disseminating the teachings of Islam. During the 9th century C.E., however, the Twelfth Shīʿī Imām (a) went into a state of absence. Azhar Sheraze sat down with Sayyid Sulayman Hassan to discuss some of the intellectual ramifications of this absence, and the requirements and limits of scholarship in relation to Imāmic knowledge.

The Roots of Taqlīd in the Shīʿī Community

Sayyid Saʿīd al-Ḥakīm

The following translated passages come from a larger work in Arabic by Sayyid Muḥammad Saʿīd al-Ḥakīm in which he addresses some of the main issues that surround the practice of referring to a jurist for legal issues (taqlīd).

Sayyid Muḥammad Saʿīd al-Ḥakīm is one of the prominent religious legal authorities (marājiʿ, s. marjīʿ) of our day and resides in Najaf, Iraq. He comes from a long line of religious authorities, including his grand uncle, Sayyid Muḥsin al-Ḥakīm, who was the primary marjiʿ of the Shīʿah world after the death of Sayyid Ḥusayn Burūjirdī in 1961.

The book, al-Marjiʿiyyah al-dīniyyah, attempts to answer many of the questions and misconceptions about taqlīd: the necessity of this practice, the proper method for choosing one’s marjiʿ, the necessary conditions of a marjiʿ, and the responsibilities of both the marjiʿ and the muqallid, or one who refers to a legal authority. The book is presented in question-and-answer format and is distinguished from introductory jurisprudence (fiqh) by referring to some of the reasons for the particular issue addressed—whether they be relevant narrated traditions (aḥadīth), historical evidence, or otherwise—in an attempt to answer and reconcile for the reader some of these seemingly ubiquitous questions about the practice of taqlīd. We hope that, God-willing, this will be the first installment in a series of such translations.

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Question:

 When did the Shīʿah begin the practice of referring to scholars for taqlīd? Was this tradition present among the Shīʿah before the Occultation, i.e. when the Imāms were present, or even during the Lesser Occultation? Or did it begin afterward?

Answer:

All praise is due to God, the Lord of the Realms. Peace and blessings be upon our master and our prophet, Muḥammad, and upon his pure progeny. And may God’s curses be upon all their enemies until Judgment Day.

The practice of referring to scholars and inquiring about religious laws (al-aḥkām al-sharʿiyyah) is a tradition that existed from the earliest periods among the Shīʿah and the general Muslim community; and in every period, there were a group of people who would issue verdicts on these issues.

In fact the texts are replete with instances where Shīʿī scholars confront these issues of religious law [before the Occultation] such as in the case of Abān ibn Taghlib, about whom Shaykh al-Ṭūsī, after many words of praise, says, “[Imām] al-Bāqir said to him, ‘Sit in the masjid of Madīnah and give religious verdicts to the people. For from among my Shīʿah, I would love the likes of you to be seen.’ And thus he sat [in the masjid and gave verdicts].” [1]

There is the example of Muʿādh ibn Muslim al-Naḥwī, about whom the following is narrated:

Imām al-Ṣādiq once said, “I have heard that you sit in the great masjid and give religious verdicts to the people.” I [Muʿādh] responded, “Yes, and I intended to ask you about this before I departed. I sit in the masjid and when a person comes asking me about an issue, if I know that person opposes you, I inform him of what they (the opponents) say. If another comes to me and I know he is devoted to you, I inform him of what has been narrated from you. And if yet another comes to me and I know not who he is, I tell him, ‘This person states this, and that individual narrates that,’ and I interject your views in-between (my comments).’” The Imām then told me, “Do this, for verily I too do this.” [2]

However, Shīʿī jurisprudence (fiqh) and its scholars were not distinct and independent in the earliest periods because of the many calamities and difficulties that befell the Shīʿī community in those periods. Indeed such difficulties caused the community to primarily focus on political issues, as they prioritized striving to acquire political power for the Ahl al-Bayt. They were primarily concerned with having the Ahl al-Bayt assume power, without seeking to clarify the key differences in fiqh between the Ahl al-Bayt and others. At times, the (early) Shīʿah would even request religious verdicts and adopt laws from the scholars of the general community, being unaware of the difference between these verdicts and laws and those of the Ahl al-Bayt.

But after the tragedy of Ṭaff [Karbala], any hope that the Ahl al-Bayt would acquire political dominion was dashed for at least the foreseeable future. This event, on the one hand, made manifest the purity of the Ahl al-Bayt, and evinced their rights [upon the community]. On the other hand, it laid bare the signs of misguidance and falsehood lurking in the larger Muslim polity. Thus, the Shīʿah turned to the Imāms from among the Ahl al-Bayt, so that they could acquire their religion from them in terms of both belief and law, and thus break with and avoid leaders other than them.

For the Imāms, this was a ripe opportunity and an appropriate moment to disseminate their knowledge and instruct the Shīʿah in all aspects of faith, whether regarding religious belief or practice, such as the criteria for love and devotion, or dislike and dissociation. The Imāms strove to develop a religious worldview for their Shīʿah from which the Shīʿah could support and broadcast the Imāms’ teachings; and through which the Shīʿah would become independent of others.

And it seems that Imām al-Bāqir was referring to this issue in his testament to Imām al-Ṣādiq. In an authentic narration (ṣaḥīḥ) by Ḥishām ibn Sālim, it is reported from [Imām al-Ṣādiq] who said, “When my father was near death, he said [to me], ‘Oh Jaʿfar, I enjoin you to goodness towards my companions.’ I replied, “May I be your sacrifice! By God, I will indeed leave them such that one of them will be in a city and will not need to ask another [for his religious questions].” [3]

And he indeed fulfilled that promise. In turn, the Shīʿah began to seek out and follow their scholars, with a group of those scholars being referred to for religious verdicts, and with these scholars being in line with the guidance of the Imāms.

In an authentic narration by Shuʿayb al-ʿAqarqūfī, it is narrated, “I said to [Imām al-Ṣādiq], ‘We may need to inquire about some issues. Who should we ask our questions to? He said, ‘Go to al-Asadī,’ referring to Abū Baṣīr.” [4]

And in another authentic narration, ‘Abdullah ibn Abī Yaʿfūr states, “I said to [Imām al-Ṣādiq], ‘Indeed, I will not be able to meet you at every time [of need], and I will not be able to come to you. If one of our companions comes to me and asks me something, I may not have the answers to all his questions.’ He responded, ‘What has prevented you from Muḥammad ibn Muslim al-Thaqafī? He has indeed heard (and learned) from my father and was honored by him.” [5]

There are narrations about referring to other individual scholars, such as al-Ḥārith ibn al-Mughīrah, Zurārah ibn Aʿyan, al-Mufaḍḍal ibn ʿUmar, al-ʿAmrī and his son, and many others—too many to be enumerated here. [6]

The Imāms also made general injunctions to refer to the scholars of the community without exclusively mentioning a particular individual. Such injunctions can be found in many different texts, such as the blessed and famous letter of the awaited Imām, the Imām of our age, may Allah hasten his reappearance—a letter that was received near the beginning or middle of the Lesser Occultation. [7]

In addition, the Imāms perfected Shīʿī fiqh and made the community independent of other sources as mentioned in a reliable narration (muwaththaq) from Muḥammad ibn Ḥakīm… [8] And it is narrated from the book of Imām al-Hādī, by Aḥmad ibn Ḥātim and his brother… [9]

And indeed, at times, scholars from other schools would refer to these scholars when faced with difficult problems. The other [non-Shīʿī] scholars knew that the Shīʿī scholars had derived their knowledge from a pure spring that never runs dry. [10]

The Imāms had also strongly emphasized the writing of knowledge and aḥadīth. This was to preserve knowledge and to allow the people to benefit from that knowledge, especially during the occultation, where the people would have no recourse other than to texts of aḥādīth [for their religion]. In this regard, it is narrated in the Muʿtabar of Abū Basir, “I heard [Imām al-Ṣādiq] state, “Write, for you will indeed not be safeguarded unless you write.” [11]

And a reliable narration by ʿUbayd ibn Zurārah states, “[Imām al-Ṣādiq] once said, ‘Safeguard your books, for you will come to need them.’” [12] There is also a narration from al-Mufaḍḍal ibn ʿUmar in this regard. [13]

Thus, the Shīʿī jurists began to write books on religious laws and injunctions for the people to abide by, many of which resembled modern treatises on religious practices. Among the books of this genre that are reported to us include: Yawm wa laylah (One Day and One Night) of Yūnus ibn ʿAbd al-Raḥmān, one of the companions of Imām al-Riḍā. This text is praised in numerous sources and endorsed to be acted upon. [14] Then there is the book, known as al-Taʾdīb by Yūnus’ student, Aḥmad ibn ʿAbdullāh ibn Mahrān, also known as ibn Khānabah. There is also the treatise by ʿAlī ibn Bābawayh al-Qummī, the father of al-Ṣadūq, who died during the Lesser Occultation. And the book al-Mutamassik bi-ḥabl āl al-rasūl, by Ibn Abī ʿAqīl al-ʿUmānī, who was al-Qummī’s contemporary. And the book al-Mukhtaṣar al-Aḥmadī fī al-fiqh al-Muḥammadī, by Ibn al-Junayd, who was close to the former two.

The book Man lā yaḥḍuruh al-faqīh, written by al-Ṣadūq in the beginning of the Greater Occultation, and comprising his own religious verdicts, is entirely a treatise on religious practices, written for one who cannot easily access a jurist.

Each subsequent generation of scholars continued the tradition of these treatises on religious practices, such as Shaykh al-Mufīd’s al-Muqniʿah, Sayyid al-Murtaḍā’s Jumal al-ʿilm wa al-ʿamal, Shaykh al-Ṭūsī’s al-Nihāyah fī mujarrad al-fiqh wa al-fatwā—may God sanctify all their purified souls—and many other texts too numerous to enumerate here.


[1] al-Fihrist, 17.

[2] Wasāʾil al-shīʿah, 18, 108

[3] al-Kāfī, 1, 306.

[4] Ikhtiyār maʿrifah al-rijāl, 1, 400.

[5] Wasāʾil, 18, 105. Also see ibid.,18, 106; 18, 107.

[6] See Rijāl al-Kashshi, 357, 483, 595; and Rijāl al-Ṭūsī, 509; Waṣāʾil, 18, 103-111.

[7] Wasāʾil, 18, 101.

[8] Ibid., 18, 61.

[9] Ibid., 18, 110.

[10] See the reliable (muwaththaq) tradition by Muḥammad ibn Muslim in Rijāl al-Kashshī, 146. And the narration of al-Sayyārī, Wasāʾil, 12, 410.

[11] Ibid., 18, 56.

[12] Ibid.

[13] Ibid.

[14] Ibid., 18:71-2.

God’s Emissaries: An Excerpt on The Creation of Adam and the Fall of Iblīs

The following is an excerpt from the book, God’s Emissaries: Adam to Jesus, penned by Shaykh Rizwan Arastu and published by the Imam Mahdi Association of Marjaeya (I.M.A.M.).  The excerpt touches on some of the details of Adam’s creation understood from the traditions of the Prophet (s) and the Imams (a).  A copy of the book can be obtained at the Islamic Texts Institute.

Front Cover High Res

Dust to Make the Vicegerent

God decided that his vicegerent over the material world should be made of the material world. In particular, he wished to make him out of dust.[23] When he informed the earth that he would make a race of creatures from her dust and that these creatures would have the freedom to choose their actions—that some would choose to obey their creator and some would choose to sin, the earth shuddered.[24] She begged God not to make of her dust a creature that could potentially sin and then burn in hellfire. God assured her that his will would be done notwithstanding her reservations.[25]

He sent Archangel Gabriel with the task of gathering the dust. However, when he descended to collect it, the earth pleaded with him to give her respite so that she could beg God once again not to use her earth for this creature. God heard her cries and told Gabriel to return to the skies without taking her dust. In turn, God sent Archangels Michael and Seraphiel, and they met with a similar obstinacy. Then, when Archangel Azrael descended, the earth protested again, but Azrael said, “My Lord has commanded me to do something. I shall fulfill this duty whether you like it or not.”[26]

The earth renewed her protests saying, “God forbid that you take my dust.”

Azrael retorted, “God forbid that I return to him not having fulfilled my duty.”[27] With that, he proceeded to gather earth of different colors: white, red, brown, and black; of different temperaments: rocky, soft, sweet, and salty.[28] Then he gathered different kinds of water: fresh, salty, bitter, and putrid. From these varieties of earth and water, God would eventually create a diversity of colors and temperaments in his new creature.[29]

When Azrael had collected the dust and water as God had prescribed, God told him, “Just as you successfully seized this dust from the earth despite her resistance, from this day forward, you shall have the honor of seizing the souls of all my creatures at the time when I ordain their death.”[30] From then on, Azrael became the Angel of Death.

The Creation of Adam’s Form

God ordered one of his angels to mix the various portions of dry dust and water that Azrael had collected.[31] The angel poured the clay into the water forming dark foul-smelling clay.[32] He strained it to remove the stones and other foreign substances and to make the clay a homogeneous extract of clay.[33] Then he kneaded the clay for forty years[34] until it turned sticky and cohesive.[35] He let this sticky clay cure for another forty years.[36] From this sticky clay, God fashioned[37] the hollow figure of a human being, standing upright, in perfect form,[38] and fully circumcised.[39] He made him precisely in the form he had ordained for him in the Protected Tablet since time immemorial.[40]

For forty additional years[41] he let the figure dry and cure so that it would hold its shape.[42] Eventually it hardened into hollow, resonant clay[43] so fine it seemed like fired pottery.[44] In this state, God’s new creature stood as a lifeless statue.

Reactions to Adam’s Lifeless Form

During this time, the angels would pass by the figure and wonder to themselves, “For what have you been created?”[45] They did not yet know that this lifeless statue was to become the vicegerent God had vowed to create. One individual in particular by the name of Iblīs was a jinn[46] who had earned a place among the angels for his unwavering devotion to God and for his exceptional perseverance in worshiping God.[47] But now, gazing upon this meek figure, made of vile earth, it crossed his mind that God may have intended to make this his vicegerent. For the first time in his long life, he felt the distinct flame of jealousy kindle in his heart. He passed by the figure and said, “If this is what God wants to make into his vicegerent, I shall rebel.”[48] He swiftly drove the thought from his mind and cast off the possibility as ludicrous, for he knew God was wise and would never do something that to him seemed so foolish.[49]

God assembled all of his angels along with Iblīs and announced to them, “I am creating a human being from dry, resonant clay fashioned from dark foul-smelling clay. So when I have fashioned him and blown into him of the human spirit, which is solely mine to give, fall prostrate before him.”[50] It was a Friday,[51] and they prepared themselves to obey the divine command when God said to the figure, “Be!” and he was.[52] By one simple act, the divine will to create, the figure imbibed the spirit of life and changed from a mere clay statue to the first human being. God created him thus, without parents, as a testament for all the world to his omnipotence.[53] God named him Adam because he created him from adīm al-arḍ, dust from the surface of the earth.[54]

Adam Is Brought to Life

Adam felt life soaking into his body. As it reached his nose, he sneezed. God taught him to say, “Praise is for God, Lord of all realms.”

He repeated, “Praise is for God, Lord of all realms.”

Then God addressed him for the very first time and said, “May God have mercy on you. This is why I have created you—to know that I am one God, to worship me, to praise me, to believe in me and so that you do not reject me or associate partners with me.”[55]

Adam Is Taught the Names

God turned his attention toward the assembly of angels. They were still ignorant of the great potential with which God had invested this new creature. Nonetheless, they were prepared to obey God’s command and prostrate before him, only because of their conviction that God would only command what is good. However, before God ordered them to prostrate, he wished to demonstrate to them what they had accepted on faith—that Adam was the most worthy of all creatures to hold the vicegerency of God, far superior to any angel.

Before the assembly of angels, in the span of an instant, God taught Adam all of the names of his creatures.[56] These names were not mere words.[57] They represented deep, complete knowledge of all of God’s creatures, seen and unseen, those that had been created and those yet to be created, sentient and inanimate. Chief among these creatures were the divine guides, the myriad prophets, and other infallible beings God would eventually create.

God presented a representation of these creatures to his angels. Among them were the prophets and messengers from Adam’s progeny, the best of whom were Prophet Muḥammad, his family, and their righteous companions and followers.[58]  He said to the angels, “Inform me of their names if you were truthful in your prior implied claim that you are more worthy as vicegerents than he.”[59]

They exclaimed, “Exalted are you! We have absolutely no knowledge except what you have taught us. You alone are the All-Knowing, the Wise.”[60]

God addressed Adam and said, “O Adam! Inform them of the names of these creatures.” When he had informed them of their names, God said to the angels, “Did I not tell you that I know whatever is unseen in the skies and the earth and that I know what you reveal and what you used to hide.”[61] When they had asked God about the wisdom behind creating such a vicegerent, they had revealed part of their intent. But they had concealed within their hearts the sentiment that no earthly creature could become as close to God as they had. Now they began to see that they had sorely underestimated this creature.[62]

The Angels Bow Down

God addressed the assembly of angels saying:

Adam and the righteous from his progeny are far superior to you because they will bear whatever burdens they are made to bear, and they will persevere against the predicaments in which they find themselves: against attacks by Satan’s allies;[63] against their carnal souls; against the burdens of supporting a family; against the struggle to earn a lawful living; against the annoying fear of an attack by enemies like frightful bandits and tyrannical kings; against hardships in traveling on roads and through impasses and frightening places, through valleys and over mountains and hills to gather what lawful and good sustenance they can find to sustain themselves and their families…the best of the believers will bear all these hardships, fulfill their obligations, combat satanic forces and rout them, struggle against their carnal souls and bar them from attaining what they desire and overpower them despite the forces that have been combined within them: sexual desire, desire for fine clothes, food, honor, power, and an inclination to boastfulness and conceit…And you, my angels, are free from all of that. Neither does sexual desire arouse you, nor does the desire for food drive you, nor does fear for your worldly or spiritual well-being enter your hearts, nor will Satan be engaged in misguiding you, for you shall be protected from him. O my angels! Any of these humans who obeys me and guards his religion against these pitfalls and challenges has thereby borne for the sake of his love for me what you have not borne and has earned in proximity to me what you have not earned. For this reason, I hereby order you all to prostrate before Adam.[64]

Adam turned toward the vast assembly of angels. In unison, they all fell prostrate before him.[65] It was an act done in obeisance to God and in honor of his vicegerent[66] who was to be invested with authority over all God’s creation. Through their prostration, they also honored the prophets and imams who would be born of Adam’s progeny.[67] They placed their foreheads upon the earth to further ennoble this creature made of earth.[68] Since God himself had ordered them to prostrate to Adam, they knew they were worshiping, not him to whom they prostrated, but him who had commanded them to prostrate.[69]

Iblīs Rebels

There was only one individual from the ranks of the angels who failed to prostrate to Adam. It was Iblīs, the jinn.[70] God had created him, as he had created all the jinn, out of fire[71] so that he would have the opportunity to worship his creator in his oneness.[72] And Iblīs had fulfilled the true purpose of his creation with exceptional diligence for thousands of years.[73] However, the pangs of jealousy that had gnawed at his soul before, when he gazed on this human’s lifeless form, now flared up within him.[74] He was certain he was superior to Adam, and he was certain God had made a terrible mistake. He flatly refused to prostrate and acted arrogantly and, thus, showed that, deep in his heart, he had always been among the unbelievers.[75] Thus, arrogance became the first sin ever committed.[76]

God addressed Iblīs demanding, “O Iblīs! What is the matter with you that you are not among those who prostrated?[77] What prevented you from prostrating when I commanded you to do so[78] before this creature whom I have created with my own two hands? Were you acting arrogantly just this once, or were you always from among the arrogant?”[79]

Iblīs replied, “It is not fitting for me to prostrate before a human being whom you have created from dry, resonant clay fashioned from dark foul-smelling clay. I am better than he. You created me from fire, and you created him from clay.” He believed that God had issued an irrational command. He knew God had created him out of fire and Adam out of clay, and it was obvious that fire was more luminous than clay. Since he was created from something more luminous than Adam was, he concluded that he was better than Adam. Furthermore, he decided that it was senseless, even wrong, for God to order him to prostrate before Adam since one who is superior must never prostrate before an inferior.

Iblīs made several key mistakes in his reasoning. He knew that Adam was made of clay, but he did not know the full potential of clay. He did not know that clay was as precious as a gem because it had the potential to hold divine knowledge and wisdom when combined with the human soul. Iblīs could see only the material dullness of the clay, so he was oblivious that, from a spiritual perspective, it was more brilliant than fire. Neither did he know what else Adam was made of. He did not know that God had combined in Adam four other major elements: light, fire, air, and water. Light gave him intellect and understanding. Fire allowed his body to digest food and drink. Air fed the flames of the fire and sustained his life functions. Water kept the fire in check and prevented it from drying his body and overheating it.

If it had been only ignorance, God might have overlooked it. The angels had also been ignorant of these aspects of Adam. But they had not been arrogant. They had asked God, but Iblīs had defied him.

Iblīs attempted to assuage God by saying, “By your glory, if you excuse me from prostrating before Adam, I shall worship you with devotion unmatched by any of your creatures.”

God replied flatly, “I have no need for your worship. I wish but to be worshiped as I want, not as you want.” Then God ordered him, “Get down from here, for it is not appropriate that you act arrogantly herein. So get out! You are hereby among the abased. Get out of this place, for you are hereby outcast, and you are hereby damned until the Day of Judgment.”

 

[23] Qurʾān 3:59

[24] It is possible that this conversation between God and the earth is symbolic. However, it is perfectly plausible that a thing we consider inanimate actually has a level of consciousness that we cannot comprehend. Qurʾān 17:44 speaks of such a consciousness.

[25] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 121 tr. 55

[26] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 121 tr. 55

[27] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 113 tr. 34

[28] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 122 tr. 56

[29] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 101 tr. 6 and 7

[30] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 121 tr. 55

[31] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 121 tr. 55

[32] Qurʾān 15:26-29

[33] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 122 tr. 56 and Qurʾān 23:12

[34] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 121 tr. 55

[35] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 122 tr. 56 and Qurʾān 37:11

[36] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 121 tr. 55

[37] The Arabic word masnūn has inspired great debate among linguists and scholars throughout Islamic history. Part of the debate centers around the meaning of the word. The other part centers around its role in verses 15:26-28 of the Qurʾān. There are four meanings for the word masnūn that are appropriate to the context of these verses:

  • something that is poured
  • something that is polished
  • something that is fashioned
  • clay that is made into pottery

All the commentaries to which I referred assumed masnūn to be an adjective of ḥamaʾ, a dark foul-smelling clay. The only meaning that fits in this context is for masnūn to refer to “something that is poured.” It seems that Imam ʿAlī used the word in this meaning when he described the stages by which God created Adam. He said, “Then God gathered dust from rocky terrain and from soft terrain, from sweet earth and salty earth, which he poured into water until it became homogenous” (Nahj al-balāghah sermon 1). Most likely, he means that God poured the dust into water and then strained it to remove larger pieces and make it homogeneous (see Minhāj al-barāʿah of al-Rāwandī). This meaning for masnūn fits well in the context of this sermon, however, it does not fit well at all in the context of the verses 15:26-28 of the Qurʾān, for we would have to stretch its meaning and assume that many things were left unstated. If we turn a blind eye to these difficulties, the meaning of the verse would be that God created Adam “from hollow, resonant clay that is made from dark foul-smelling clay that has been poured, strained, and purified.”

Because the previous interpretation is such a stretch, I believe that masnūn is an adjective, not for ḥamaʾ, but for ṣalsāl. Al-Samīn al-Ḥalabī mentions the possibility that masnūn is an adjective for ṣalsāl but rejects it saying that it is not permitted for an adjective that is a ẓarf to come before a true adjective. This is not a sound rule since we have the exact same sentence structure in 43:31 where the word ʿaẓīm is undeniably an adjective for rajul. Similarly, we have this structure at the end of 15:41. Thus, not only is this interpretation within the bounds of good Arabic grammar, it also makes good sense to say that the dry resonant clay is “something that is fashioned” as opposed to being an amorphous lump. Thus, the meaning of the verse 15:26 is, “We created the first human from dry resonant clay fashioned from dark foul-smelling clay.”

[38] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 122 tr. 56. In the Qurʾān, God mentions the stages of Adam’s creation in detail. He tells us in the broadest of terms that he created him out of al-arḍ or “earth” (11:61). More specifically, he tells us that he made him from turāb or “dust” (3:59) and māʾ or “water” (25:54). “Water” could be a reference to the semen from which all of Adam’s progeny are born, but it could also be a reference to the water God mixed with the dust to create Adam. The combination of dust and water first made ḥamaʾ, a “dark foul-smelling clay” (15:26), presumably mixed with other debris as is normal in naturally occurring clay. As Imam ʿAlī tells us in the first sermon of Nahj al-balāghah, God strained this foul-smelling mixture until it became sulālah min ṭīn or “a homogeneous extract of clay” (23:12). This refined ṭīn or “clay” (32:7) was then processed through kneading and drying until it became ṭīn lāzib or “sticky clay” (37:11). Then it was ready to be masnūn or “fashioned” (15:26) into the human form. It was allowed to dry until it hardened into ṣalṣāl or “hollow, resonant clay” (15:26). Despite its mean origin, it dried into ṣālṣāl ka al-fakhkhār or “hollow, resonant clay similar to fired pottery” (55:14). At this point God “blew” the spirit of life into the lifeless form and thereby created the first living human (15:29 and 38:72).

[39] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 12 p. 3 tr. 4

[40] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 121 tr. 55. In the Book of Genesis we read, “Then God said, ‘Let us make man in our image, in our likeness, and let them rule over the fish of the sea and the birds of the air, over the livestock, over all the earth, and over all the creatures that move along the ground.’ So God created man in his own image, in the image of God he created him; male and female he created them” (1:26-27). The phrase “So God created man in his own image” is highly problematic since God is immaterial and is similar to nothing from his creation (see Qurʾān 42:11). The Qurʾān and the infallible guides have waged an age-old battle against the Mushabbihah, those who claim God has a form. Interestingly, this same phrase from the Bible has been transmitted in several traditions; however, the context of the traditions makes it clear that they are not telling us that “God created Adam in his own image.”

  • In one tradition it is related that Prophet Muḥammad passed by a Medinan man who was hitting one of his slaves in the face and saying, “May God make your face, and the face of anyone whom you resemble, ugly.” The Prophet chided this man and told him “This is an awful thing you have said, for God created Adam in his (i.e., your slave’s) image” (Tanzīh al-anbiyāʾ 127). Adam, as the father of all human beings, resembles all human beings in some way. By asking God to deform the face of anyone whom his slave resembles, he is praying for damnation to befall the slave’s forefather, Adam, whom God created in his (i.e., the slave’s) image.
  • In another tradition we read, “God created Adam in the image that he had ordained for him in the Protected Tablet)” (Biḥār al-anwār 11 p. 121 tr. 55). Sayyid ibn Ṭāwūs has commented on this tradition saying, “Some Muslims have omitted part of this sentence and have narrated, ‘God created Adam in his own image,’ and have thus fallen prey to a belief that God has a form” (Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 121). It is not far-fetched to suppose the statement in the Bible suffered a similar fate at the hands of those Jews and Christians who, like these Muslims, abandoned God’s guidance.

[41] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 121 tr. 55

[42] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 122 tr. 56

[43] Qurʾān 15:26-29 and 55:14

[44] Qurʾān 55:14

[45] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 109 tr. 22

[46] Qurʾān 18:50

[47] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 119 tr. 51 and Nahj al-balāghah sermon 192

[48] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 119 tr. 53

[49] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 106 tr. 11

[50] Qurʾān 15:28 and 38:72

[51] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 109 tr. 21

[52] Qurʾān 3:59

[53] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 108 tr. 16

[54] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 100 tr. 3 and 4 and p. 101 tr. 6

[55] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 106 tr. 11 and p. 121 tr. 55

[56] Qurʾān 2:31

[57] Some have suggested that God simply taught Adam the words that refer to each of his creatures. Words were certainly not the subject of this first lesson for the following reasons:

  • Words are simply conventions for ease of communication that change with time while what Adam was taught was something real and meaningful.
  • If it were words that Adam learned, the angels would have become as knowledgeable as he as soon as he informed them of the words for everything. Rather, even after he told them what he knew, they remained ignorant of his knowledge.
  • If God simply taught Adam words, the angels could have objected saying, “God, if you had taught us these words instead of Adam, then we could have become qualified to be your vicegerents instead of him.”

[58] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 137 tr. 1

[59] Qurʾān 2:31

[60] Qurʾān 2:32

[61] Qurʾān 2:33

[62] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 137 tr. 1

[63] Presumably, God refers here to a figure named Satan to foreshadow Iblīs’ impending rebellion and mischief for which he is later banished and given the title shayṭān or satan. It is interesting and appropriate that the Qurʾān always refers to Satan before he is outcast from the skies by his name, “Iblīs,” and after he is outcast, by the desogatory “al-Shayṭān.” I have conformed to this usage in my writing as well. It is also important to note that in several traditions we are told that Iblīs’ name is derived from the word iblās which means hopelessness because “he lost all hope in receiving God’s mercy” (Biḥār al-anwār vol. 46 p. 351 tr. 5). These traditions are problematic since, as I have just noted, Iblīs is the proper name he carried when he was a righteous servant of God. He only had reason to lose hope in God’s mercy after his act of defiance at which point the Qurʾān refers to him, not by his given name, Iblīs, but by the epithet, al-Shayṭān.

[64] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 137 tr. 1

[65] Qurʾān 2:34 and 7:11 and 15:30 and 38:73

[66] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 139 tr. 4

[67] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 140 tr. 6

[68] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 139 tr. 3

[69] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 138 tr. 2

[70] Qurʾān 2:34 and 7:11 and 15:30 and 38:73

[71] Qurʾān 15:27

[72] Qurʾān 51:56; Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 138 tr. 2

[73] Nahj al-balāghah sermon 192

[74] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 141 tr. 7

[75] Qurʾān 2:34 and 38:74

[76] Biḥār al-anwār vol. 11 p. 141 tr. 7

[77] Qurʾān 15:32

[78] Qurʾān 7:12

[79] Qurʾān 38:75